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Statue of father James marquette, S. X, 

Pioneer ItliMlonarv and explorer, now in Statuarv Rail. Wa*ninaton, D. C. 

XEbe Catbolic Cburcb 





Including an account of the founding and development of the Catholic Church in Wisconsin— History of 

the labors of missionaries and early priests— building of the first churches — organization of 

parishes, dioceses and archdiocese — statement of present condition of the church. 

Illustrated by Portraits of Archbishop, Bishops, Priests, Prominent Laymen and 
Pictures of Churches, Educational and other Religious Institutions 





1 savings 

Written and Compiled by 
Harry H. Heming, Milwaukee, Wis. 

Copyrighted October 9, 1896, 


Catholic Historical Publishing Company, 
Milwaukee, Wis. 


?SwtfjMy Library 
. f #t Calvaftitf i/Visconsin 

Province of St. Joseph 
Capuchin-Franciscan LiDr. 
Mt. Calvary, Wisconsin 


of His Grace, the Most Rev. Archbishop of Milwaukee, approving of the publication of "The 
Catholic Church in Wisconsin" printed herein. 



Archbishop of Milwaukee. 

"The Catholic Church in Wisconsin" is published by the Catholic Historical Publish- 
ing Company, of Milwaukee. Wisconsin, with the knowledge and approbation of His Grace 
the Most Rev. Archbishop Katzer, of Milwaukee, and of the censors appointed by him to 
revise the work, the same being: 

For the Archdiocese of Milwaukee : The Rev. Dr. Simon Lebl, Censor Librorum 
of the Archdiocese of Milwaukee and Professor of Philosophy, Sacred Scripture, Archae- 
ology and Homiletics at St. Francis Seminary, St. Francis, Wisconsin; the Rev. Joseph 
Stephen La Boule, Professor of Church History, Homiletics, German Literature and 
French at St. Francis Seminary, St. Francis, Wisconsin ; the Rev. D. J. O'Hearn, assist- 
ant pastor at St. John's Cathedral, Milwaukee, and the Rev. M. J. Huston, also assistant 
pastor at St. John's Cathedral. 

For the Diocese of Green Bay : The Right Rev. Prelate, Msgr. Joseph J. Fox, Vicar- 

For the Diocese of La Crosse: The Right Rev. James Schwebach, Bishop of 
La Crosse. 


i. i ;^ N compiling a history of "The Catholic Church in Wisconsin," for the benefit and reference of stu- 
ixl \p dents and adherents of the Catholic faith, it has been deemed advisable to enlarge upon many points 
llJL_^ which may not appear exactly analogous to the subject, or warranted in a work of such limited pre- 
tensions. It is evident, however, that to deal with the matter as only pertaining to the State, and 
to the utter exclusion of all which might thus be classed as extraneous, would result in a work so disjointed 
and unsatisfactory in its results as to make it impossible, even for the most ardent imagination, to grasp the 
enormity of the undertaking, or to form an adequate idea of the moral and physical effort involved in its 

The story of the Catholic Church in America finds mention in history's pages, almost side by 
side with that of the earliest explorers, and its growth and progress are so thoroughly interwoven and 
closely allied with that of the country itself that to separate them were impractical, even if possible. Of all 
anterior motives, that of redeeming the savage from a natural state of barbarism and false beliefs to a recog- 
nition of the Christian religion was the prevailing on e with those pious and zealous men, whose self-inflicted 
martyrdom and holy fervor still challenges the admiration of the world. 

It has been deemed advisable, therefore, that the reader should in these pages not only become in- 
formed of their personal experiences in the missionary field, but that they may be made more appreciably 
aware of the character of the work by means of a brief acquaintance, at least, with the country in which, 
and people among whom they labored. With this purpose in view, the following pages have been devoted 
to a short account of the travels and experiences of the early French voyegeurs, a description of the coun- 
try found and settled by them, as well as of the manners and characteristics of the people dwelling in that 

This, it is hoped and believed, while far from being as complete as the importance of the subject war- 
rants and deserves, will at least place the reader in a position to appreciate the arduousness of the task under- 
taken, and the wonderful successes realized by the missionary Fathers. 

In conclusion it is deemed but right and proper to acknowledge with thankfulness the generous assist- 
ance afforded in its completion by the Most Rev. Archbishop Katzer, Bishop Schwebach, Bishop Messmer and 
a large number of the clergy of the State, whose untiring interest in the matter has been of unusual value. The 
works of Charlevoix, Shea, Parkman, Carver, the Rev. Chrysostom Verwyst, the Minnesota Historical Collec- 
tions and Writings of the Rev. Joseph S. La Boule and Mr. Henry C. Campbell of the Parkman Club, Milwau- 
kee, Wisconsin, have also been largely relied upon for much information of both value and importance. 

—The Editor. 

Ristory of the Catholic Church in Olisconsin. 


Pan T.— the Trench in Canada. 

CHAP. I. — The French leave Florida. — Whale and Cod Fisheries are maintained along the Coast of Newfoundland and in the 
Gulf of St. Lawrence. — De la Roche created Lieutenant-General of Canada and all contiguous Territory. — He fits out an 
Expedition. — Arrives at Sable Island. — Goes to Acadia. — Returns to France, where he falls into Captivity and finally 
dies. — Sieur de Pontgrave and Chauvin. renew the Effort. — Samuel de Champlain also commands an Expedition. — Explor- 
ations in Canada. — Champlain hears of the Hurons and Iroquois Tribes. — Sieur de Monts heads an Expedition. — Descrip- 
tion and Division of Canada. — Port Royal. — Copper Deposits near St. John's River. — De Monts Settles on the St. Law- 
rence. Settlement of Quebec. — Fathers Peter Baird and Enemond Masse arrrive at Port Royal. — De Monts loses 
Ground. — The Allied Tribes. — Their Expedition against the Iroquois. — Champlain joins the War Party. — His Folly in 
doing so, and the Bad Effect it had upon French Interests. — The Expedition and the Result. — Native Methods of War- 
fare. — The Return. — Champlain's Second Expedition against the Iroquois.- — A New Governor-General. — Trouble at 
Home. — Colonial Interests on the Decline. — Recollect Fathers go to the Colony. — The Third Expedition. — Indian Treach- 
ery. — Champlain's Error. — Winter among the Indians. — Return to Quebec and France. — The Indian Pilot. — Selling 
Arms to the Natives. — The Colony in Peri'. — Call for Help. — A New Arrangement pp. 1-12. 

CHAP. II. — Five Jesuits and a Recollect Father embark in Charge of William de Caen for Quebec. — Prejudice of Settlers 
against the former due to Calvinistic Influences. — First Home of the Missionaries. — Fathers de Daillon and Brebeuf go 
to Three Rivers. — Death of Recollect Father Nicholas Vicl. — The Missionary Force is strengthened. — Deplorable Con- 
dition of the Colony. — A New Company is formed and Charter obtained. — The King's Grants. — An Unfortunate Contre- 
temps. — The English advance on Quebec. — De Roquemont's Error. — Starving Condition of the Settlers. — Surrender of 
Quebec. — The English assume Possession of the Colony. — The French take their Departure. — Treaty between France 
and England. — Michel's Awful Death. — Champ'.ain's Return to France. — Richelieu's Peremptory Demands. — New France 
is restored to the French pp. 13-20 

CHAP. III.— Louis Kertk is notified of the Treaty. — The French again take Possession. — English Traders remain in the Col- 
ony. — Champlain again made Governor of New France. — His Arrival at Quebec. — Efforts to reestablish Friendly Rela- 
tions with the Hurons. — The Missionary Field. — Management of Colonial Affairs in bad Hands. — Plight of the Mission- 
aries. — Result of English Rule upc>n the Natives. — The French are welcomed back. — Increase in Missionary Forces. — 
Protestants forbidden the new Colony. — Champlain's Dream of Progress.- — Missionaries prepare to enter the Huron 
Country. — More Trouble. — Indian Duplicity. — Origin of the name Huron. — Extent of the Nation. — Location. — Country 
and Climate. — Champlain renews his Project. — Tribes begin to trade more freely. — Indian Compact with the Dutch. — 
Detriment of this Undertaking to the French. — Hurons refuse to receive the Missionaries. — More Uncertainty. — Mission- 
aries obtain a Convoy. — Brutal Treatment by the Indians.— They reach the Indian Settlement and erect a Chapel. — Savage 
Character. — Missionary Labors. — The Jesuits in Danger. — Indian Superstitions. — Death of a Sorcerer. — An Awakening 
Interest. — Characteristics pp. 21-30 

CHAP. IV. — A Noticeable Improvement. — A College at Quebec. — Death of Champlain. — Effects of Educational Advantages 
upon the People. — Montmagny becomes Governor. — Indian School for Boys. — Father Daniels returns to Quebec. — 
Progression Retarded. — Bad Effect upon the Indians. — The Iroquois become Aggressive. — Their Treachery towards the 
Hurons. — A Menace to the Settlement. — An Indian Treaty. — Open Hostilities towards the French. — Missionary Force 
increased. — An Epidemic and its Consequences. — But few French succumb. — Awful Mortality among the Indians. —The 
Missionaries as Nurses. — A Point gained. — The Indians convinced. — Benevolent Institutions. — De Sillery's Great Work. — 
The Indian Town. — Its First Occupants. — Effect of Religious Life upon the Indians. — Moral Responsibility. — Talk of a 
School. — The Movement in France. — Patroness of a Hospital. — Hospital Nuns of Dieppe. — Mine, de la Peltrie and the 
School. — An Ursuline Convent at Quebec. — A New Superior-General for the Missions. — Arrival of the Sisters at Que- 
bec. — General rejoicing. — Small-pox at the Ursuline Convent. — The Epidemic spreads. — The Company again at Fault. — A 
Laborious Undertaking. — Fresh Hostilities. — The First Iroquois Convert pp. 31-4 1 

CHAP. V. — Indian Peculiarities. — Their Strange Views regarding Justice. — Appreciation of Kindness and Affection for their 
Children. — Perplexities of the Missionaries. — Religion and Brutality. — The Condition and Progress of the Huron Mis- 
sions. — General Interest taken by the French in the Missions of New France, and their eagerness for News from the 
Colony. — 111 Treatment of the Missionaries by the Hurons and other Tribes. — Sorrows of Father Lalemant. — How the 
Mission Services were conducted. — Doubts. — Charlevoix's Views. — Tribes among which the Missionaries labored. — Ani- 


CONTENTS— Continued. 

mosity of the Iroquois towards the French.— Their Unreliability.— The Three Rivers Mission, and those who attended it— 
The Mission at Tadoussac— Indian Resorts along the Shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and at Miscou Island.— Trade 
in Fish and Furs of but little Benefit to the Colony owing to the extreme Selfishness of Individuals.— The Gaspesians, 
and how they acquired their Name.— The Case of Father Tursis.— His Works and Death.— Missionary Plans.... pp. 42-47 

CHAR VI.— The War of the Tribes continued.— Increasing Anxiety of the Settlers for the Safety of the Colony.— The Iro- 
quois destroy a Huron Village.— The Iroquois meet with a Defeat— Baptism of Indian Prisoners, and their wonderful 
Fortitude in sustaining the Tortures at the Stake. — Growing Effect of the Missionaries' Work upon the Natives. — Treach- 
ery of the Iroquois and their Powers of Dissimulation.— Attempt of the Iroquois to overcome the Prudence of Mr. de 
Champfleurs. — The new Governor at Three Rivers. — Conference between the French and the Iroquois. — Effect of a 
Band of Algonquin Traders upon the Meeting. — Action of the Canadian Company detrimental to the well-being of the 
Colony.— Proposition to establish a French Town on the Island of Montreal.— Satisfaction of the Settlers on hearing 
the News. — History of the Settlement of Montreal, and Something about those who furthered that Enterprise. — Fort 
Richelieu is built near the Mouth of the Sorel River. — The Missionaries undertake a new Charge in the Country of the 
Saulteurs, and Fathers Jogues and Raimbaut go on a Visit to these People. — Their Experience among these Tribes. — 
Their Capture and Treatment by the Iroquois. — Torture. — Murder of Rene Goupil— The Neuter Tribe, and Country 
occupied by them. — They invite the Jesuits to visit them. — Visit of Fathers Chaumonot and de Brebeuf to their Country, 
where considerable Good is Accomplished. — News of Father Jogues is received at Quebec. — His Life as Prisoner among 
the Mohawks. — He is threatened with Death, but his Release is purchased by a Dutch Officer who sends him to Man- 
hattan, where he embarks for Holland. — Jogues arrives in his native Country and is received with great Honors and 
much rejoicing. — He receives a Special Dispensation from the Pope. — Returns to Quebec pp. 48-62 

CHAP. VII. — Father Jogues finds that in Spite of their harassed Condition the Hurons remain firm and valiant Upholders 
of the Faith. — Joseph Taondechoren, the Algonquin Convert. — He is received into the Church under somewhat peculiar 
Circumstances. — Increase in the Christian Population at Montreal. — Work of the Converted among their Pagan Fellows 
at Three Rivers and Tadoussac. — Progress of Missionary Labors at Sylleri, and lack of necessary Provisions at that 
Place. — The Jesuits are charged with having undue pecuniary Interests in Canada. — Decredenoe of the Charge and 
Declaration of its Falsity by the Directors and Associates of the Company of New France. — Joumeyings of Father 
Joseph Bressani in 1644 and his Experience with the Iroquois. — His Escape and Return to France. — Decree of Exter- 
mination issued by the Iroquois in their Warfare upon the Hurons. — Iroquois Prisoners are brought to Three Rivers. — 
De Montmagny .hastens from Quebec to Three Rivers and finally secures their Release. — A Delegation of Iroquois 
comes to Three Rivers, where a Peace Council is held. — Kiotsaeton, the Iroquois Orator. — The Terms of Peace are 
agreed upon. — Return of the Iroquois to their Country.— Ratification of Peace by some of the Iroquois Cantons. — 
Benefits of Peace. — Death of Fathers Anne de Noue and Enemond Masse. — Attempts of the Sakokis to break the Peace. — 
Their Treachery discovered. — The pacific Understanding between the Colony and the Iroquois being again ratified at 
the Request of the Latter. — Father Jogues again visits the Iroquois accompanied by Sieur Bourdon, a leading Citizen 
of Quebec. — His Courteous Reception by the Sachems and subsequent Return to the Colony. — The Iroquois Nation and 
the Country occupied by them. — Return of Father Jogues to the Iroquois and his brutal Treatment by that Nation. 
War renewed and Slaughter of the Hurons. — Miraculous Escape of Marie, Wife of Jean Baptiste, an Algonquin Con- 
vert. — Murder of Father Jogues. — The Jesuit Missions. — De Quen's Discovery along the Saguenay in 1846. — The Abena- 
quis and their Conversion. — Their Characteristics as a Nation.— Strength and Assistance rendered by them to the Col- 
ony. — Father Gabriel Dreuillettes goes among them. — He meets with Capuchin Fathers on the Banks of the Kennebec. 
His success among the Indians and Return to Quebec, where his report is received with great Favor pp. 63-77 

CHAP. VIII. — Commander de Poind sets a Bad Example, as a Result of which some Changes are made in the Government 
Appointments of New France. — Mr. d'Ailleboust becomes Governor of Quebec. — The new Royal Regulation of 1648 
known as the Canadian Charter. — The Governor's Council and their Appointive Powers. — Father Dreuillettes returns 
to New England accompanied by Paul Godefroy, a Member of the Governor's Council. — An Attempted Alliance with 
the Settlers of New England is frustrated by the Commissioners of that Settlement. — The Condition of Affairs at 
Quebec and Company of One Hundred Associates. — The Colonists and the Company. — The Governor's Allowance an< 
how it was applied.— A New Arrangement. — The Fur Trade and its Management. — The Religious Condition of the 
Colony. — The Andastes come to the Assistance of the Hurons. — Indifference of the Hurons. — The Onondagas are 
defeated. — Defeat of the Mohawks and Capture of their Chief Annenrias. — His Release and Return to his People. — A 
Combination of Hatreds. — Peace Councils. — Suicide of Scandawati. — Condition of the Missions at la Conception, St. 
Joseph, St. Ignace, St. Michael and St. John.— The Town of St. Joseph and the Iroquois.— Raid upon it.— A Terrible 
Slaughter.— Murder of Father Daniel.— Proposal of a Perpetual Alliance between New England and New France.— The 
Emissary of New England is welcomed at Quebec— Father Dreuillettes' Mission to Boston and other Points in New 
England. — Some Documentary evidence. — Attack on St. Ignatius. — Burning of St. Louis. — Captivity of Fathers de Bre- 
beuf and Lalemant— Their Murder.— Condition of the Pecple of St. Mary's.— A New Location for the Hurons and 
their Final Settlement on St. Joseph's Island.— Famishing Hordes.— Disease and Death.— Cannibalism.— Fatal Mistake of 
the Hurons.— Massacre of St. John's and Death of Father Gamier.— Murder of Father Chabanel— Fathers Garreau and 
Grelon of the St. Matthias Mission continue to Labor among the Hurons although their Lives are in constant Danger. — 
Despair of the Huron Nation.— The Missionaries accompanied by Three Hundred Hurons start for Quebec— They meet 
Father Bressani on his Way to the Mission, who finally concludes to Return with them.— His Experience on his Way 
up.— The Party arrives at Montreal, where they are invited to remain.— They reach Quebec, where they are well 
received by the Governor and Settlers.— A Christian Wai Party from Sylleri go forth to Attack the Iroquois.— Their 
Betrayal by a Huron Renegade.— Death of the Traitor.— Effort to make the Indian Self-Supporting — Lalemant visits 

CONTENTS — Continued. 

his native Country in their Behalf. — Indifference of the Canadian Company and their Refusal to furnish the necessarv 
Aid. — Three Rivers in 1651. — Battle between the Iroquois and a Number of French Settlers. — Fortitude and Heroism of 
the Christian Indians. — Joseph Ononhare, the Algonquin. — His Sufferings and Martyrdom. — The Atticamegues or White- 
fish Nation and their Experience with the Iroquois. — Murder of Father Buteux. — The Blind Squaw and her Mission 
among the Iroquois. — The Liquor Trade brings Disaster to the Colony. — A Change of Governors at Quebec. .. .pp. 78-96 

CHAP. IX. — De Lauson becomes Governor of Quebec. — He returns to France in 1656 and is made Sub-Dean of the King's 
Council. — Sad Condition of the Colony. —Continued Aggressiveness of the Iroquois. — They approach Three Rivers. — 
Fight between a War Party of Iroquois and French Soldiers. — Death of Governor Du Plessis Bochart. — Danger of 
Sylleri.— Trouble at Montreal. — Governor de Maissonneuve makes a Journey to France in Behalf of that Colony. — He 
Returns with an Additional Force of One Hundred Settlers.— Margaret Bourgeois and what she accomplished in New 
France. — Foundation of the Congregation of Our Lady. — The French take Extra Precautions and increase their Fortifica- 
tions. — The Onondagas send a Delegation to Three Rivers to arrange for Peace. — Reply of de Maissonneuve and 
Return ol the Deputation to their Canton with his Message. — De Maissonneuve receives Warning of the Approach of 
a large War Party of Mohawks. — He notifies de Lauson. — Huron Scouts destroy a Body of Mohawks and Capture their 
Chief. — Mohawk Descent upon Quebec. — Capture of father Poncet and a Number of Hurons. — Release of Father Pon- 
cet and his Return to Quebec and France. — Father le Moyne goes to Onondaga to ratify the Peace. — Etienne Annao- 
taha, the Huron. — He receives a Deputation of Iroquois and treats them to a Surprise. — The Huron Settlement at Quebec 
and Life of the People there. — Descent of the Iroquois upon the Settlement and Capture of a Number of Hurons. — 
Trade between the French Post and Upper Cantons. — Jealousy of the Mohawks. — Murder of a Jesuit Lay Brother. — 
Huron Settlement removes near to Quebec. — They again move to Notre Dame Ste. Foi. — They move to Old Lorette. — 
Father Chaumonot and his Vow. — The Bravery of an Algonquin Squaw and its Effect upon the Mohawks. — Fathers 
Chaumonot and Dablon leave Quebec for Onondaga. — Their Reception at that Place. — Treacherous Policy adopted by 
the Iroquois. — The Neuters and Mascoutins. — Trouble oetvveen the Senecas and Eries. — A Great Battle. — Destruction of 
the Erie Nation. — Fifty French Colonists start for Onondaga. — Removal of the Ottawas to Saginaw Bay. — Last of the 
Neuter Towns. — Murder of Father Garreau by a French Renegade. — His Death at Montreal. — Father Dreuillettes and 
Brother le Boesme return to Quebec. — Arrival of the French under the Dupuys at Three Rivers and Montreal. — A 
Huron Prisoner reaches their Camp. — They arrive in the Country of the Onondaga's. — Their Reception there. — Work 
of the Missionaries among the Iroquois. — Removal of the Hurons from Isle Orleans to Quebec. — Their Treachery and 
Secret Message to the Mohawks. — The Mohawk Ambassadors. — Their Insolence to the Governor. — De Lauson's For- 
bearance. — Speech of the Bear Chief. — A Message to the Hurons from Onondaga. — Their Reply. — Mohawk Aggressions 
continued. — A Powerful Enemy. — Mohawk Losses at the Hands of the Andastes.— Final Defeat of the Andastes by the 
Seneca's. — Result of their Victories upon the Iroquois. — Failure of the French Mission pp. 97-114 

Part TT.— Che Tndian.— General Characteristics. 

CHAP. I. — The Purpose of this Section set forth. — Derivation of the Name Indian as applied to the American Aborigines. — 
Characteristics of the North American Indians, and their Standard of Excellence as compared with Other Nationalities. — 
Latter Day Impressions. — Social Status of the Indians as given by Parkman, Carver and Others. — Their Code of Cour- 
tesy and Social Side. — Indian Influence. — Fearlessness in the Presence of Danger. — Tribal Attachments. — Indian Cus- 
toms. — Their Treatment of very young Children. — Susceptibility. — Memory and Discernment. — Appreciation of Nature 
for Practical Uses. — Necessities of the Aborigines, made evident in their Early Associations with the Whites. — Indian 
Cookery. — Dress. — Architecture. — Superstitions. — Indian Divinities. — The Medicine Man. — Indian Warfare. — The Art of 
Torture. — Education. — Gambling among the Aborigines. — The Hunting Season, and Methods adopted in the Pursuit 
of Game. — Indian Feasts. — The War Dance. — Indian Prisoners. — Adoption. — An Incident in Indian Warfare. — Indian 
Arms. — Reasons for Enmity. — An Heroic Squaw. — Indian Treatment of Wounds. — Treatment prescribed for Pleurisy. 
Hereditary Warfare. — Iroquois War Party in a Trap. — The Pipe of Peace, and its Various Uses. — Wampum.— Indian 
Belief in the Great Spirit. — Their Views on Eternity. — Prevailing Ideas of Life Everlasting. — Indian Feasts. — Peculiar 
Methods of Preparing Food. — Indian Fasts and Fast Dreams. — Effect of such Dreams upon After Life. — Sacrificial 
Feasts. — Methods of Cooking. — The Green Corn Feast or Dance. — How the Indians occupy their Time during the Festal 
Season. — The Great Spirit and the Bad Spirit. — Beliefs concerning them. — Spirit Worship. — Indian Beliefs concerning the 
Great Spirit. — How they name their Children. — Indian Religion. — Courtship and Marriage. — Divorce. — The Indians as 
Dancers. — The War Dance. — Marriage Dance and Sacrificial Dance. — Difference in Marriage Obligations observed 
between the Iroquois and Ottawas. — Affection for their Young. — Indian Nomenclature. — Hospitality. — Crime and its Pun- 
ishment pp. HS-143 

Che Indian.— Cheir music. 

CHAP. II— Ten Years' Experience of Miss Alice Fletcher with Indian Music. — First Impression upon hearing the same. — 
Incident through which the "Beauty and Meaning of these Songs" were at last revealed. — The Wa-wan Ceremony. — 
Various Phases of Indian Life represented by Song. — Tribal Songs and their Transmission. — Peculiarities to be found 
in Indian Songs. — Interpolation of Meaningless Syllables and their Purposes. — Three Groups of Indian Songs. — The 
Song of the Sacred Pole and Buffalo Hide. — Other Songs and their Meaning. — The Poo-g'thun Society. — The Pipes of 
Fellowship and Ceremonies connected with them. — Funeral Song of the Omahas. — Other Songs and Musical Cere- 
monies pp. 144-15° 

CONTENTS— Continued. 

Che Indian.— Ceremonies and Government. 

CHAP. III. — The Paw-waw or Black Dance. — Carver's Experience with a peculiar and unnamed Dance near Lake Pepin. — 
Dance of the Sacrifice. — Burial of the Dead. — Invitation and Reception of Guest. — The Ceremony. — Care of the Dead. — 
Indian Mourning. — The Funeral Cortege.' — Interment. — Tribal Government pp. 151-160 

Che Indian.— tribes. 

CHAP. IV. — The Algonquins and the Territory governed by them. — Subdivisions of this Family. — Language like that of other 
Tribes. — Huron-Iroquois Language. — Characteristics of the Algonquin Nation. — Position as an Industrial Factor. — Views 
on Progression. — Artistic Accomplishment. — Perfection acquired in Tanning Hides and the Manufacture of Baskets and 
Wicker-Work. — Law and Government. — Religion. — The Eurons. — Their Allegiance to the French and Identity with 
the Establishment and Growth of the Catholic Missions throughout Canada, Wisconsin, Minnesota and the Northwest. — 
Country primarily occupied by them. — Various Estimates of the Extent and Population of these People. — Huron Towns 
and Dwellings. — Primitive Implements of Agriculture and War. — Their Ordinary Dress and Robes of State. — The 
Huron-Iroquois. — The Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation. — The Neutrals. — The Eries or Nation of the Cat. — The Iro- 
quois. — Their preeminence among Savage Nations. — The Five Nations. — Clans of the Iroquois. — The Grand Council of 
the Confederacy. — Deliberate Councils and their peculiar Purpose. — Punishment of Crime among the Iroquois. — Mili- 
tary Organization. — Highest Condition of Prosperity. — -The Ojibways. — Their ancient Dwelling Place near Lake Huron. — 
Their Ascent of the Black River, Wisconsin, and Settlement at Chequamegon Bay. — Their Discovery of the Remains 
of Marquette in 1676. — The Pottawattomies. — Their Settlement in the Vicinity of Green Bay, Wisconsin. — Father Ver- 
wyst's Account of them. — The Sacs. — Discovery of a Band of these People at Chequamegon Bay by Father Allouez. 
who subsequently met with Others at Green Bay and on the Fox River. — The Foxes. — The Illinois. — Characteristics and 
Habits. — Father Allouez's Reference to them in the Relation of 1673-79. — A number of them found upon the Upper Fox 
and Others at Chequamegon Bay. — They receive Father Allouez at Mascoutin Village as a Deity. — They are visited t>y 
Father Marquette in 1673. — Sault Ste. Marie. — Large Settlement of Chippewas at Chequamegon Bay. — Doubtful Origin 
of these People. — Territory occupied by them. — Distribution and Final Settlement of the Tribes. — Settlement of the 
Ojibways at La Pointe. — The Treaty of 1854. — The Crees and Sauteux of British America. — Dreams and Superstitions of 
these People. — The Dakotas. — Habits and Customs pp. 161-181 

Part TT1.— Che Jesuit missions. 

CHAP. I.— Introduction. — Establishment of a Co'ony by De Monts in Acadia. — Arrival of the First Missionaries at Port 
Royal in 161 1. — First Jesuit Missions among the Abenaquis. — Labors of the Missionaries. — Difficulties experienced by 
them in acquiring the Language of the Natives. — Ill-Feeling of the French Commandant Biencourt toward the Mission- 
aries. — A Visit to the Court of France. — Succor arrives at Port Royal. — Departure for Mount Desert Island. — Mission of 
the Holy Saviour.— The Settlement is despoiled by the English and the Missionaries taken to Virginia.— A Second Mis- 
sion is established in Acadia in 1619. — Recollects are sent to La Tour's Colony in 1630. — A Number of Capuchins estab- 
lish a Convent on the Penobscot and a Hospice on the Kennebec. — The Jesuits return to that Neighborhood in 1642. — ■ 
The Indian Neophyte Charles Meiaskwat. — He conducts a Number of the Abenaquis to Sylleri. — Father Dreuillettes goes 
to the Kennebec and Father Jogues to the Mohawk. — Sylleri becomes an Abenaqui Mission. — Location of the Settlement 
is Changed to a Point near the Falls of Chaudiere, where the Mission of St. Francis de Sales was permanently estab- 
lished. — The Original Abenaqui Mission is reestablished by Father Bigot while another is organized by Father Thury 
at Panawaniske. — Father Simon's Mission at Medoktek near the Mouth of the St. John's. — Father Rale. — Death of 
Father Thury. — Fresh Disturbances between England and France. — Freedom of the Jesuits jeopardized. — Catholic 
Church destroyed at Honidgwalk. — Murder of Father Rale by the English. — Fall of the Mission at Honidgwalk. — More 
Trouble for the Settlements.— The Rt. Rev. John Carroll becomes. Bishop of Maryland.— Father de Cheverus — Restora- 
tion of the Franciscan Mission in Maine.— Control of the Penobscot and the Passamaquoddy Missions obtained oy the 
Jesuits in 1848. — Erection of a Monument by Bishop Fenwick in Memory of Father Rale pp. 182-191 

CHAP. II.^-Territory occupied by the Hurons when the French first settled in Quebec— Journey of the Hurons to Three 
Rivers, and their First Meeting with the Recollects.— Father le Caron goes to the Huron Country and locates at 
Carragouha. — His Missionary Work among these People. — Arrival of Champlain at Carragouha and Subsequent Journey 
of le Caron and the Explorer to the Country of the Tic nnontates. — Le Caron returns to the Hurons, a Large Party of 
whom he afterwards accompanies down to Three Rivers. — Father William Poulain renews the Huron Mission in 1622.— 
Coming of Father Nicolas Viel and Brother Gabriel Sagard to Quebec— They accompany le Caron to Carrougha.— .Le 
Caron and Sagard return to the Settlement.— Viel's Labor- among the Hurons.— Fathers Charles Lalemant, Enemond 
Masse, de Brebeuf and Others come to Quebec— Death cf Father Viel.— De Brebeuf, Dallion and Anne de Noue Start 
for Carrougha.— Father de la Roche goes on a Visit to the Neutrals.— Quebec becomes an English Possession, and the 
Missionaries return to their Native Country. — Upon the Restoration in 1632 they again return to Canada. — Fathers 
Daniel and Davost — Le Mercier and Peter Pijart join the Mission.— Establishment of a Huron School at Quebec- 
Arrival of Fathers Gamier and Chatelain in the Colony.— An Epidemic in the Land.— Work of the Medicine Men.— 
Danger of the Missionaries.— The Huron Missions at Ossossane and Ihonatiria— Work among the Petuns— Mission of 
St. Michel's.— Fathers Chaumonot and Poncet arrive in Canada.— Small-pox ravages the Country.— The Mission House 
at St. Mary's.— Daniel and le Moyne establish the Mission of St. John's.— Work of the Missionaries.— Capture of 
Jogues by the Mohawks.— Death of Father Jogues.— Death of Father Daniel.— The Iroquois destroy the Town of 


CONTENTS— Continued. 

St. Ignatius. — Brebeuf and Lalemant are taken Prisoners. — Their Torture and Death. — A Band of Hurons located at 
Great Manitouline, while Others formed a Colony on the Island of Michillimackinac. — Their Further Journeying to 
Wisconsin. — Hurons remove to Chequamegon. — Menard and subsequently Allouez and Marquette come to their Aid. — 
Mission of the Iroquois. — Death of Father Poulain. — Father Bressani. — Le Moyne goes to Quebec. — He pays a Second 
Visit to the Settlement. — The Jesuits and the Mohawks.— Onondaga.— Father Rageneau. — Close of the Mission of St 
Mary's at Ganentaa and the Dependent Missions among the Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas pp. 192-204 

CHAPTER III. — Onondaga Peace Embassy goes to Quebec. — They request that a Missionary be sent amongst them. — Father 
le Moyne accepts the Mission as Envoy to the Onondagas. — He reaches Onondaga, where he is received with much 
Kindness and Attention by Garacontie. — Peace Arrangements are Ratified by Chiefs of Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca. 
— The Indians are not Sincere. — A War Party commits numerous Depredations on the Island of Montreal. — Murder of 
the Sulpitian James de Maitre. — Killing of the Rev. William Vignal by a Band of Mohawks. — Father le Moyne con- 
tinues to Labor in Western New York. — He leaves Onondaga for the Settlements. — His Death at Cape de la Made- 
leine. — Garacontie labors assiduously in Behalf of the Missions. — Continued Atrocities arouse the Indignation of the 
French Governor, who starts out with a Considerable Force to the Country of the Iroquois. — Indians cowed into Sub- 
mission. — Missionaries resume their Labors. — Colony established among the Cayugas at Quinte Bay. — Father Fremin 
resigns this Mission to the Sulpitians, Claude Trouve and Francis de Salegnac de Fenelon being placed in Charge. — 
Jesuits again undertake the Mohawk Mission. — They visit Gandawague and Other Towns, including the Capital Tion- 
nontoguen. — Fremin's Successful Labors. — Establishment of the Mission of St. Mary's. — Bruyas goes to Oneida and 
Pierron to Albany. — Father Julian Gamier starts for the Country of the Oneidas. — Further Labors of the Missionaries. — 
The .Mission of St. Peter's. — Death of Father Boniface.-— Father James Lamberville assumes Charge of the Mission at 
Caughnawaga. — Father'Bruyas is succeeded at Tionnontoguen by Father Francis Vaillant du Gueslis. — Council Meeting 
of Missionaries at Onondaga. — An Event of Much Importance occurs at Quebec in the Baptism of Garacontie. — His 
Death. — De Carheil effects much Valuable Work. — His illness and Retirement. — He is succeeded by Father Peter 
Raffeix. — His Recovery and Return to the Mission. — Garnier's Labors. — Fremin returns to St. Lawrence. — St. Michel's 
destroyed by Fire. — Father Raffeix arrives at the Mission of the Conception. — Renewed Differences between England 
and France. — Establishment of the First Iroquois Reduction, St. Francis Xavier des pres. — The Mission of Quinte 
Bay. — Mission of the Mountain. — The Recollects Louis Hennepin and Luke Buisset. — Schools at Mountain Mission. — 
Notable Conversions pp. 205-221 

CHAP. IV. — Location of the Illinois and Miamis when first visited by the Missionary Fathers. — First Meeting between the 
Illinois and Jesuits at Chequamegon. — Marquette also meets with them there. — Allouez in ascending the Fox River finds 
a Number of Illinois and Miamis living with the Mascoutins and Kickapoos. — Marquette descends the Mississippi and 
establishes the first Illinois Mission. — He returns to Green Bay by Way of Lake Michigan. — His Second Journey to the 
Country of the Illinois and Labors among that People. — Allouez takes Charge of this Mission. — His Visit to Kaskaskia 
and Return to Mackinaw. — The Coming of La Salle and Withdrawal of Allouez. — Arrival of the Recollect Fathers 
Gabriel dc la Ribourde, Zenobius Membre and Louis Hennepin. — Labors of Ribourde and Membre in the Missionary 
Field. — They start with Tonty for Green Bay. — Murder of Father Ribourde by a Band of Kickapoos. — Close of the 
Recollect Mission among the Illinois. — Allouez accompanied by Durantays returns to that country and reestablishes the 
Mission.— Father Sebastian Rale succeeds Allouez in the Work. — He returns to his former Home among the Abenaquis. 
— Father Gravier succeeds to the Illinois Mission. — Marriage of Michel Ako to Mary, the Daughter of the Chief of the 
Kaskaskias. — Father Gravier returns to Mackinaw, being succeeded by Fathers Julian Binneteau and Francis Pinet. — 
Additional Labors of Gravier, Lymoges, Pinet, Bovie and Marest. — Work accomplished by the Seminary of Foreign 
Missions at Paris in Behalf of the Canadian Missions. — Fathers Marest and Mermet among the Illinois. — Other Missions. 
Visit of Father Charlevoix to the Illinois Missions and his Report on the Condition of the Same. — Close of the Illinois 
Mission pp. 222-229 

CHAP. V— Last Settlement of the Algonquins of the West in Northern Michigan.— Other Tribes in that Locality.— Initiative 
Step to establish a Mission among these People. — Fathers Raymbaut and Jogues are sent to the West. — Their tedious 
Journey and Arrival at Sault Ste. Marie. — They learn of numerous other Tribes yet unknown to them. — The Missionaries 
return to the Settlements. — Fathers Dreuillettes and Garreau are placed in Charge of the Mission. — Murder of Garreau. 
— Father Menard assumes the Duties of this Perilous Charge. — Location of the first Mission in the West. — Father 
Menard's Experience at the Mission. — He extends his Visits farther West.— Death of Menard. — Allouez succeeds to the 
Charge. — His Journey from Three Rivers toward the West. — Brutality of the Indians. — His Arrival at Sault Ste. Marie. 
— Continuation of his Journey on Lake Superior. — Arrival at Chequamegon Bay. — Condition of Affairs there at that 
Time. — He erects a Chapel at La Pointe du St. Esprit. — The People of many Tribes come to visit him. — His Struggle 
with Superstition. — Personal Account of his Undertakings. — He Visits the Sault. — Allouez returns to Quebec. — He again 
journeys toward the Mission accompanied by Father Nicholas. — Indian Fervor. — Allouez returns to Sault Ste. Marie. — 
Marquette goes to Chequamegon Bay. — He founds the Mission of St. Ignace at Michillimackinac. — Marquette visits Kis- 
kakons. — Allouez arrives at Green Bay and establishes the Mission of St. Francis Xavier. — His Labors among the Tribes 
throughout that Country. — Father Dreuillettes at the Sault, and his Success among the People there. — Father Andre 
among the Ottawas and other Lake and Island Tribes.— Development of the Mission of St. Francis Xavier. — Father 
Dablon returns to Quebec where he becomes Superior of the Canada Missions. — Labors of Father Nouvel. — Church 
erected by Father Dreuillettes is destroyed by Fire. — Father Peter Bailloquet joins the Mission. — Others are also sent 
to assist in the Work. — Marquette and Joliet start out to explore the Mississippi. — Their Experiences on the Way. — 
Their Return. — Death of Marquette pp. 230-261 

CONTENTS— Continued. 

Part Ui.-the Church in Wisconsin. 

CHAP. I.— First Authentic Records concerning Wisconsin Territory.— Relics of Eariy Day Missionary Labors.— An Historic 
Monstrance and Description of the Same. — First Tombstone raised in Plymouth. — Antiquity of the Missions at De Pere 

and La Pointe. — The Catholics of Wisconsin become subject to the Diocese of Quebec. — Erection of other Dioceses. 

Original Territory of Wisconsin.— Coming of the Early Settlers.— Population in 1840 and 1844.— Wisconsin's First Rail- 
way.— Earlier Congregations.— Milwaukee's First Congregation.— Other Organizations.— Catholic Population at Green 
Bay. — Bishop Henni's Report of the Condition of the Catholic Church in Wisconsin in 1844 — He makes his First 
Official Tour.— Visit to the Western Portion of the Diocese. — Personal Impressions regarding Sinsinawa Mound. — 
Father Mazzuchelli's Purchase There.— The Bishop visits Poygan Lake.— He goes to Little Chute.— Home of the Chip- 
pewas. — Bishop Henni starts for Mackinaw, thence, by Way of Sault Ste. Marie, to La Pointe. — His Reception There. — 
Petition of the Indians at La Pointe. — Personnel of Bishop Henni's Associates in the 40's. — Increase of Priestly Forces 
and Establishment of New Parishes. — First Ordination in Wisconsin. — College at Sinsinawa Mound. — Dedication of St. 
Mary's Church at Milwaukee.— Continued Labors of the Bishop.— First Provincial Council at Baltimore.— Progress of 
Work on the Cathedral at Milwaukee and Erection of Holy Trinity and St. Gall's Churches Begun.— Convent erected at 
Nojoshing.— Dedication of St. Gall's.— Establishment of St. Aemilianus' Orphan Asylum at Milwaukee.— First Catholic 
Paper, the "Seebote," is established at Milwaukee.— Plenary Council at Baltimore.— Dedication of St. John's Cathedral. 
— Dedication of the Priests' Seminary at St. Francis. — First Bohemian Congregation is organized in Milwaukee. — Bishop 
Henni attends the Second Plenary Council at Baltimore. — Wisconsin is divided into three Dioceses. — The Very Rev. 
Joseph Melcher becomes First Bishop of Green Bay.— The Very Rev. Michael Heiss assumes the Episcopate of La 
Crosse. — Bishop Henni celebrates the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of his Ordination. — A Community of Franciscan Sisters 
established at Silver Lake. — Milwaukee becomes an Archiepiscopal See. — Golden Jubilee of Archbishop Henni is solem- 
nized at St. John's Cathedral. — Bishop Heiss appointed Coadjutor. — Death of Archbishop Henni. — His Funeral and Place 
of Sepulture. — The Right Rev. Michael Heiss becomes Archbishop. — Third Plenary Council at Baltimore. — The Rev. 
F. X. Katzer is consecrated Bishop of Green Bay. — Death of Archbishop Heiss and Appointment of Bishop Katzer 
to the Archiepiscopate pp. 262-277 

CHAP. II.— Freedom of Worship in Wisconsin.— Know-Nothings.— The A. P. A. Movement— The Bible in the Public 
Schools. — The Bennett Law. — Bishops Protest. — The Marquette Statue. — The Catholic Press of Wisconsin. — The Summer 
School. — The Catholic School System in Wisconsin and Summary pp. 278-294 

Part U.— Che Archdiocese of milwauRee. 

CHAP. I. — Papal Brief for the Erection of the Archdiocese of Milwaukee. — The Archdiocese of Milwaukee pp. 295-309 

CHAP. II.— City of Milwaukee: St. John's Cathedral.— St. Ann's.— St. Anthony's. — St. Augustine's. — St. Boniface's. — St. 
Casimir's. — SS. Cyril and Method's. — St. Francis of Assissi's. — Gesu.— St. Hedwig's. — Holy Rosary. — Holy Trinity. — St. 
Hyacinth's. — Immaculate Conception. — St. Josaphat's — St. John de Nepomuc's. — St. Joseph's. — St. Lawrence's. — St. Mary's. 
—St. Matthew's.— St. Michael's.— St. Patrick's.— SS. Peter and Paul's.— St. Rose's.— St. Stanislaus'.— St. Vincent de 
Paul's — St. Wenceslaus'. — Catholic Cemeteries in Milwaukee pp. 310-359 

CHAP. III.— State of Wisconsin: SS. Peter and Paul's, Addison.— St. Joseph's, Alverno.— St. Martin's, Ashford.— St. Peter's, 
Ashton. — Immaculate Conception, Barton. — St. Michael's, St. Patrick's and St. Peter's, Beaver Dam. — St. Mary's, Bel- 
gium.— St. Mathias', Beloit Road.— St. Thomas', Beloit.— St. Patrick's, Benton.— St. Francis', Brighton.— St. Rose's, Brod- 
head. — St. Mary's, Burlington. — St. John's, Byron. — St. Louis', Caledonia. — St. Mary's, Cascade. — St. Charles', Cassville. — 
St. Francis Borgia's, Cedarburg.— St. Charles Borromeo's, Charlesburg. — Holy Assumption, Clyman. — St. Jerome's, 
Columbus. — St. Francis Navier's, Cross Plains. — St. Frederick's, Cudahy. — St. Nicholas', Dacada. — St. Michael's, Dane. 
— Holy Rosary, Darlington. — St. James', Dayton. — St. Andrew's, Delavan.— St. Joseph's, Dodgeville. — St. Michael's, 
Dotyville. — St. Patrick's, Doylestown. — St. Theresa's, Eagle. — St. Joseph's, East Bristol. — St. Peter's, East Troy. — St. 
Mary's, Eden. — St. Joseph's, Edgerton.— St. Patrick's, Elkhorn. — Visitation of St. Mary, Elm Grove. — St. Andrew's, 
Farmersville. — St. Mary's, Fennimore. — St. Joseph's, St. Louis', St. Mary's and St. Patrick's, Fond du Lac. — St. Joseph's. 
Ft. Atkinson. — St. Mary's, Fox Lake. — Holy Assumption and Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary, Franklin. — Mater Dolo- 
rosa, Fredonia. — St. Anthony's, Fussville. — St. Boniface's, Germantown. — St. Joseph's, Grafton.— St. Catherine's, Granville 
Center.— St. Joseph's, Gratiot.— St. Kilian's, Hartford.— St. John's and St. Philip's, Highland.— St. Patrick's, Hollandale. 
— Holy Cross, Holy Cross. — St. Mary's and St. Patrick's, Janesville. — St. John the Baptist's and St. Lawrence's, Jefferson. 
— St. John's, Johnsburg. — Immaculate Conception, Kendaltown. — St. George's and St. James', Kenosha. — Holy Trinity, 
Kewaskum. — SS. Peter and Paul's, Kiel. — Immaculate Conception, Kieler. — St. Francis of Sales', Lake Geneva. — St. 
Clement's, Lancaster. — St. Mary's, Mayville. — St. Barnabas', Mazomanie. — St. Isidore's, Meeme. — St. Bernard's, Middle- 
ton. — St. Mary's and St. Paul's, Mineral Point. — St| John's, Monches. — St. Mary's and St. Victor's, Monroe. — Holy 
Cross, Mt. Calvary.— St. Lawrence O'Toole's, Mt. Hope.— St. Ignatius', Mt. Horeb— St. John the Baptist's, Muscoda.— 
St. Matthew's, Neosho. — Holy Apostles', New Berlin. — Holy Trinity, Newburg. — St. Matthew's, New Cassel. — St. Ste- 
phen's, New Coeln. — St. Alphonsus', New Muenster. — St. Casimir's, Northeim. — St. Jerome's, Oconomowoc. — Holy 
Mother of Consolation, Oregon. — Our Lady of Angels', Osceola. — St. Vincent de Paul's and St. John the Evangelist's, 
Oshkosh.— St. John the Baptist's, Paris.— St. Mary's, Pewaukee— St. Mary's, Pine Bluff.— St. Mary's, Platteville.— St. 
John's, Plymouth. — St. Mary's, Port Washington. — St. Andrew's, Potosi. — Holy Name, St. John Nepomuc's, St. Joseph's, 
St. Mary's, St. Patrick's and St. Rose's, Racine. — St. Mary's, Random Lake. — St. Hubertus', Richfield. — St. Bridget's, 


CONTENTS— Continued. 

Ridgeway.— St. Patrick's and St. Wenceslaus', Ripon.— St. Norbert's, Roxbury — St. Anna's, St. Anna.— Sacred Heart, 
St. Francis. — St. George's, St. George. — St. Kilian's, St. Kilian. — St. Lawrence's, St. Lawrence. — St. Michael's, St. Mich- 
ael's. — St. Gregory's, St. Nazianz. — St. Wendel's, St. Wendel. — Immaculate Conception, Saukville. — St. Peter's, Schleisin- 
gerville. — Our Lady of Hope, Seymour. — Holy Name and St. Peter Claver's, Sheboygan. — St. Mary's, Sheboygan Falls. — 
St. Matthew's, Shullsburg. — St. Joseph's, Sinsinawa. — St. Mary's and St. Matthew s, South Milwaukee. — St. Martin's, 
Springfield Corners.— St. Mary's, Sullivan.— Sacred Heart, Sun Prairie.— St. James', Templeton— St. Theresa's, Theresa. 
St. Thomas Aquinas', Waterford. — St. Joseph's, Waterloo — St. Joseph's, Richwood. — St. Bernard's and St. Henry's, 
Watertown— St. Joseph's, Waukesha.— St. Joseph's, Waupun.— Holy Cross, Wauwatosa — Holy Angels', West Bend — 
St. Mary's, Westport— St. Patrick's, Whitewater pp. 361-566 

Part UT.—Cbc Diocese of Green Bay and City of Green Bay. 

CHAP. I.— Papal Brief for the Erection of the See of Green' Bay.— Discovery of Green Bay.— Administration of Justice in 
those Earlier Days. — Early German Catholic Settlers. — Importance as a Commercial Center. — Development of Cath- 
olicism in Green Bay. — Diocese of Green Bay. — St. Mary's Church, Green Bay. — Becomes an Episcopal See. — St. Francis 
Xavier's Cathedral, St. John the Evangelist's, St. Patrick's, SS. Peter and Paul's and St. Willibrord's, Green 
Bay pp. 567-590 

CHAP. II. — State of Wisconsin: Immaculate Conception, Algoma. — St. Mary's, Amherst Junction. — St. John's and St. Hya- 
cinth's, Antigo. — St. Joseph's and St. Mary's, Appleton. — St. Patrick's, Askeaton. — Holy Cross, Bay Settlement. — St. 
Mary's, Bailey's Harbor. — St. Mary's, Bear Creek. — St. Joseph's, St. Michael's and St. Stanislaus', Berlin. — St. Mary's 
Help of Christians', Briggsville. — Holy Guardian Angels', Buchanan. — St. Joseph's, Carlton. — St. Edward's, Centre. — St. 
Augustine's and St. Mary's, Chilton. — Immaculate Conception, Clark's Mills. — St. Rose of Lima, Clintonville. — St. John 
the Baptist's, Coleman. — St. James', Cooperstown. — Immaculate Conception, Custer. — St. Mary's, Delwich. — St. Boni- 
face's, St. Francis Xavier's, St. Joseph's and St. Mary's, De Pere. — St. John's, Duck Creek. — St. Louis', Dykesville. — St. 
Peter's, Eagle River. — SS. Cyrillus and Methodius', Eaton. — SS. Edward and Isidore's, Flintville. — Immaculate Con- 
ception, Florence.— St. Ann's, Francis Creek. — St. Lawrence's, Franklin. — St. Nicholas', Freedom. — Immaculate Con- 
ception, Glenmore. — SS. Peter and Paul's, Grand Rapids.— Immaculate Conception, Greenville. — St. Mary's, Hilbert. — St 
Stanislaus', Hofa Park. — St. Francis Seraph's, Holland. — SS. Peter and Paul's, Hortonville. — St. Casimir's, Hull. — 
Imaculate Conception, Humboldt. — Holy Trinity, Jericho. — Holy Cross, North Kaukauna. — St. Mary's, South Kaukauna. 
— St. Joseph's, Kellnersville. — St. Michael's, Keshena. — Holy Rosary, Kewaunee. — St. Caecilia's, Kilbourn City. — Imma- 
culate Conception, Kingston. — St. Patrick's, Lanark. — St. Patrick's, Lebanon. — St. Peter's, Lincoln. — St. John Nepo- 
mucene's. Little Chute. — St. Mary's, Luxemburg. — Sacred Heart, Manawa. — St. Patrick's, Maple Grove. — Sacred Heart, 
Our Lady of Lourdes' and St. Joseph's, Marinette. — St. Martin's, Martinsville. — St. John the Baptist, St. Patrick's and 
St. Mary's, Menasha. — St. Francis Xavier's, Merrill. — Holy Cross, Mishicot. — St. John's, Montello. — St. John the Evan- 
gelist's, Morrison. — St. James', Neshkoro. — St. Kilian's, New Franken. — Most Precious Blood, New London. — St. 
Joseph's and St. Peter's, Oconto. — St. Mary's and St. Peter's, Oshkosh. — St. Mary's, Peshtigo. — St. Joseph's, Phlox. — 
St. Ladislaus', Pike Lake. — St. Methodius', Pilot Knob. — Holy Trinity, Pine Grove. — Sacred Heart, Polonia. — St. Francis 
Xavier's and St. Mary's, Portage. — St. Thomas', Poygan. — Holy Martyrs of Gorcum, Preble. — St. John the Paptist's, 
Princeton. — Asumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Pulaski. — Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Reedsville. — St. 
Mary's, Rhinelander.— St. Hubert's, Rosiere.— St. John the Baptist's, St. John.— SS. Peter and Paul's, Sevastopol.— St. 
John's, Seymour. — Sacred Heart, Shawano. — Sacred Heart, Sherwood. — Holy Trinity, Slovan. — St. Joseph's, St. Peter's 
and St. Stephen's, Stevens Point. — St. Patrick's, Stiles. — St. Mary's, Stockbridge. — St. Joseph's, Sturgeon Bay. — Nativity 
of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Tish Mills.— St. Mary's, Tomahawk— Sacred Heart and St. Luke's, Two Rivers.— St. Mary's 
and St. Michael's, Wausau. — St. Augustine's, Wausaukee. — St. Michael's, Whitelaw. — St. Paul's, Wrightstown.pp. 591-755 

Part UTT.— Cbe Diocese of Ea Crosse and City of Ca Crosse. 

CHAP. I.— Papal Brief for the Erection of the See of La Crosse.— Diccese of La Crosse.— St. Joseph's Cathedral, Holy 
Cross-, St. James', St. John's, St. Mary's, Holy Trinity and St. Wenceslaus', La Crosse pp. 756-770 

CHAP. II.— State of Wisconsin: Our Lady of Perpetual Help, Arcadia.— Early History of Ashland Church.— St. Agnes,' Ash- 
land. — Indian Missions served from Ashland. — Our Holy Redeemer, Athens. — Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Au- 
burndale. — St. Joseph's, Baraboo- — Christ Church, Bayfield. — Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Big River — St. Paul's, 
Bloomer. — St. Joseph's, Boyd. — St. Anthony de Padua's, Cazenovia. — St. Charles Borromeo's, Holy Ghost and Notre 
Dame, Chippewa Falls. — Our Lady of Perpetual Help, Clayfield. — St. Joseph's, Clevelandtown. — St. Kilian's, Colby. — 
St. Mary's, Cumberland. — St. Louis', Dorchester. — St. Mary's, Durand. — Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, East 
Farmington. — Sacred Heart and St. Patrick's, Eau Claire. — St. Henry's, Eau Galle. — St. Patrick's, Elroy. — St. Patrick's, 
Erin Prairie. — St. Bridget's, Ettrick. — St. Francis of Assissi's, Fifield. — Immaculate Conception, Fountain City. — St. Car- 
olo Borromeo's, Genoa — Immaculate Conception, Hammond. — St. Michael's, Hewitt. — St. Patrick's, Hudson. — St. Mary's, 
Hurley. — SS. Peter and Paul's, Independence. — St. Michael's, Junction City. — Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
Keyesville— St. Mary's, Lyndon Station.— St. Mary's, Marathon City.— St. Patrick's, Marble Ridge.— St. John the Bap- 
tist's, Marshfield. — St. Patrick's, Mauston. — Holy Rosary, Medford. — St. Patrick's, Minocqua. — Sacred Heart, Mondovi. 
— St. Paul's, Mosinee. — St. Francis of Assissi's, Necedah.— St. Mary's, Neillsville. — St. Michael's, North Creek. — St. Pat- 
rick's, Phillips.— Most Sacred Heart and St. Wenceslaus', Pine Creek.— SS. Peter and Paul's, Pine Hollow.— St. Luke's, 
Plain.— St. John the Baptist's, Plum City.— Holy Family.Poniatowski.— St. Hedwig's, Posen.— St. Gabriel's and St. John 


CONTENTS— Continued. 

Nepomucene's, Prairie du Chien. — Sacred Heart, Reedsburg. — St. Joseph's, Rice Lake. — St. Mary's of the Assumption, 
Richland Center. — St. James', Rising Sun. — St. Bridget's, River Falls. — St. Andrew's, Rozellville. — St. Philomena's, Ru- 
dolph. — St. Joseph's, St. Joseph's Ridge. — St. Mary's, St. Mary's. — St. Philip's, St. Philips. — St. Aloysius', Sauk City. 
— St. Patrick's, Seneca. — St. Vincent de Paul's, Somerset. — St. Patrick's, Sparta. — Our Lady of Lourdes', Stanfold. — 

Immaculate Conception, Tomah. — St- Ann's, Turtle Lake. — St. Theresa's, Union Center. — St. Louis', Washburn 


Part UTTT. 

Churches Incorporated in the Archdiocese of Milwaukee and Dioceses of Green Bay and La Crosse pp. 891-896 

Part TX.-Catholic Institutions— Archdiocese of milwaukee. 

Provincial Seminary of St. Francis of Sales, Catholic Normal School and Pio Nono College, Convent of the Sisters of the 
Third Order of St. Francis, St. Aemilianus' Orphan Asylum, St. John's Institute for Deaf Mutes, St. Francis. — Capuchin 
Institutions in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and elsewhere. — Convent of the School Sisters of Notre Dame, Girls' Home, 
Industrial School of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd, Little Sisters of the Poor, Marquette College, Our 
Lady of Angels Academy, Sacred Heart Sanitarium, St. Joseph's Convent, Mother-house and Novitiate of the School 
Sisters of St. Francis, St. Joseph's Hospital, St. Mary's Convent of the Society of the Divine Savior, St. Mary's Hos- 
pital, St. Rose's, Orphan Asylum for Girls, and St. Vincent's Infant Asylum, Milwaukee. — Holy Family Convent, Al- 
verno. — Congregation of the Sisters of St. Agnes, Fond du Lac. — Servite Monastery of Mt. St. Philip, Granville Cen- 
ter. — St. Joseph's Convent of the Sisters of Mercy, Janesville. — Sacred Heart Academy and St. Regina's Convent, Mad- 
ison. — Holy Family Hospital, Manitowoc. — Capuchin Order in Wisconsin. — Collegium Laurentium, Mt. Calvary. — St. 
Catherine's Convent, Racine. — St. Nicholas' Hospital, Sheboygan. — Convent of St. Clara's, Sinsinawa Mound. — Sacred 
Heart College, Watertown— Holy Hill, Wisconsin pp. 897-978 

Part X — Catholic Institutions— Diocese of Green Bay. 

Monastery of Our Lady of Charity of Refuge and St. Joseph's Orphan Asylum, Green Bay. — Convent of the Holy Cross and 
St. Francis' Convent, Bay Settlement — Menomonee Institute, Keshena. — St. Mary's Institute, Marinette. — Alexian 
Brothers' Hospital and St. Mary's Hospital, Oshkosh. — Commissariate General of Polish Franciscan Fathers, Pulaski. — 
Convent of the Secular Sisters of St. Francis, Robinsonville. — St. Aloysius' Institute, Sevastopol. — Oneida Catholic Mis- 
sion of St. Mary's, attended from Freedom pp. 979-989 

Part XT. -Catholic Institutions— Diocese of Ca Crosse. 

Franciscan Sisters of Perpetual Adoration, St. Ann's Orphan Asylum, St. Francis' Hospital and St. Michael's Orphan Asy- 
lum, La Crosse. — St. Joseph's Hospital, Ashland.— St. Mary's Industrial School, Bayfield. — St. Joseph's Sanitarium, 
Marshfield. — College of the Sacred Heart and St. Mary's Institute, Prairie du Chien. — Sisters of St. Francis of St. John's 
Hospital, Springfield, 111. — St. Mary's Hospital, West Superior pp. 990-1014 

Part XTT. 

Biographical Sketches of Former Pastors in Wisconsin pp. 1015-1058 

Part XTTT.— Catholic Orders in Ulisconsin-Religious and Secular. 

CHAP. I.— Capuchin Order. — Dominican Sisters of the Perpetual Rosary. — Franciscans. — Jesuits. — Order of Praemonstraten- 
sians. — Servites. — Sisters of Charity. — Sisters of the Poor Handmaids of Jesus Christ. — Sisters of St. Francis of As- 
sissi pp. 1059-1069 

CHAP. II.— Ancient Order of Hibernians.— Catholic Knights of Wisconsin.— Catholic Order of Foresters.— Catholic Total 
Abstinence Union — German Roman Catholic Central Society.— Knights of St. George. — Leo's Benevolent Soci- 
ety pp. 1070-1086 

Part XTU. 

Prominent Members of the Laity in Wisconsin pp. 1087-1134 

Part XU. 

Catholic Art and Architecture pp. 1 135-1 148 

Part XUT. 

Chronological Table of Historical and Parochial Events pp. 1155-1168 

fiistory of the Catholic Church in Wisconsin. 


Cbe ?rencb in Canada, 


ie French leave Florida.— Whale and Cod Fisheries are maintained 
along the Coast of Newfoundland and in the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence.— De la Roche created Lieut. -General of Canada and all 
contiguous Territory.— He fits out an Expedition.— Arrives at Sable 
Island.— Goes to Acadia.— Returns to France, where he falls into 
Captivity and finally dies.— Sieur de Pontgrave and Chauvin renew 
the Effort— Samuel de Champlain also Commands an Expedition.— 
Explorations in Canada.— Champlain hears of the Hurons and Iro- 
quois Tribes.— Sieur de Monts heads an Expedition.— Description and 
Division of Canada.— Port Royal.— Copper Deposits near St. John's 
River.— De Monts Settles on the St. Lawrence.— Settlement of Que- 
bec. — Fathers Peter Baird and Enemond Masse arrive at Port Royal. 
De Monts loses Ground.— The Allied Tribes.— Their Expedition against 
the Iroquois.— Champlain joins the War Party. — His Folly in doing 
so, and the bad effect it had upcn French Interests.— The Expedi- 
tion and the Result.— Native Methods in Warfare.— The Return. 
Champlain's Second Expedition against the Iroquois. — A New Gov- 
ernor-General.— Trouble at Home.— Colonial Interests on the Decline. 
Recollect Fathers go to the Colony.— The Third Expedition.— Indian 
Treachery.— Champlain's Error.— Winter among the Indians.— Return 
to Quebec and France.— The Indian Plot.— Selling Arms to the 
Natives.— The Colony in Peril.— Call for Help.— A New Arrangement. 

?>FTER the evacuation of Florida by the French, 
it seemed to be the prevailing opinion that 
they would thereafter renounce all interest to 
or in the settlement of the mainland of Amer- 
ica. A brisk business, however, was still maintained in 
the whale and cod fisheries along the coast of New- 
foundland, the parties thus engaged at the same time 
opening up a considerable trade with the natives in 
furs and peltries. A kind of connecting link was thus 
maintained with the country, the interest in which was 
to be greatly enhanced and strengthened by the con- 
ditions subsequently prevailing in France under the 
administration of Henry IV. It was after almost 
half a century of internal contentions that this enter- 
prising, valorous but demerit monarch ascended the 
throne, and it is due largely to his forethought and vivid 
appreciation of the wonderful possibilities to be devel- 
oped in that almost unknown region, that the people 
took a renewed and emphatic interest in the work of 
further exploration and settlement. It was in the year 
1598 that this desire for colonization again made itself 

evident in the people of France, the most active spirit 
among whom was the Marquis de la Roche, a Breton 
gentleman, who obtained from the King the same per- 
mission and power vouchsafed to Mr. D. Roberval by 
Francis I. By the letters patent thus granted he was 
created Lieutenant-General in the countries of Can- 
ada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, Labrador, St. Law- 
rence River, or River of the Great Bay as it was then 
called, Norimbegue and other lands adjacent, the latter 
being a portion of territory which is now covered by 
the State of Maine and Nova Scotia. These rights and 
privileges granted to de la Roche on January 12, 1598, 
he at once set to making preparations for a voyage, 
being particularly anxious to visit and examine the 
country in person. During the same year he fitted out 
a vessel in which he embarked with one Chaedotel, a 
Xorman pilot of much skill and experience. From 
authentic accounts of this journey we learn that the 
■first land sighted by them was Sable Island, which lies 
about twenty-five leagues southeast of Cape Breton, and 
which is reputed as being the place where de Lery, 
nearly one hundred years previously, attempted to 
establish a colony. A more unsatisfactory spot could 
hardly have been found from which to form one's earlier 
impressions, for, as we are told, Sable Island is barren 
and uninviting, and in no particular adapted for the 
comfort or habitation of man. In area it is quite small; 
in form narrow and uneven, and it is entirely devoid of 
any harbor or accommodations whatsoever. From this 
altogether undesirable location, de la Roche made a 
short and unsatisfactory visit to Acadia, which is the 
nearest mainland from Sable Island. After a short stay 
at Acadia, he started on his return journey to France. 
Arriving there, he was soon after made prisoner by the 
Duke de Mercouer of Brittany, who, on account of his 
well-known and zealous activity in behalf of the Cath- 
olic religion, held him captive for some considerable 
period. He finally died without having had either time 
or opportunity to further pursue his investigations. The 


unfortunate outcome of de la Roche's efforts, however, 
did not prevent others from renewing the attempt. 

First among these was the Sieur de Pontgrave, a 
leading merchant of St. Malo, who had already become 
proficient in navigation through numerous voyages 
made by him to Tadoussac. Together with Mr. Chau- 
vin, a mariner of considerable renown, he obtained all 
of the privileges and prerogatives attached to the com- 
mission of de la Roche. Two very successful voyages 
were made by them, after which Commander de Chatte 
fitted out an expedition which was placed in charge of 
Pontgrave, Chauvin having in the meantime died. At 
identically the same time one Samuel de Champlain was 
placed in charge of an expedition by the same Company 
to push investigations in Canada. Having reached 
Tadoussac and rested for a short time at that place, 
Champlain and Pontgrave, accompanied by five sailors, 
took a small boat and ascended the river to Sault St. 
Louis, which was as far as Jacques Cartier had suc- 
ceeded in going. It was during this voyage that Cham- 
plain first heard of the Hurons and Iroquois tribes, of 
the Falls of Niagara and of the wonderful Lake Superior 
copper region. The next to venture on an expedition 
was a certain Sieur de Monts, who, being a Calvinist 
and having received permission from the King to freely 
exercise his religion in America, agreed on the other 
hand to settle the country and to use his utmost efforts 
in establishing the Catholic religion among the Indians 

The country known as Acadia, in which de Monts 
continued the work of his predecessors, is, accord- 
ing to John de Laet in his description of the West 
Indies, a peninsula of triangular form. Numerous other 
historians describe it in the same manner, with the 
exception of Champlain and Denys, who differ in giving 
it an area of much smaller extent. De Laet, according 
to the historian Charlevoix, gives the name of Acadia 
only to the south side of the peninsula, while Denys, 
who was for a long time a resident of that country, is 
also almost identical in his manner of describing it. He 
divides all of the eastern and southern part of Canada 
into provinces, each of which — there being four — was 
under the domination of a proprietor who acted in behalf 
of the King. The first of these was called the province 
of the Etechemins, although it was previously known as 
Norimbegue. The second, which extended from St. 
John's River to Cape Sable, he called French Bay. The 
third, which was limited at the one extreme by Can- 
ceaux and at the other by Cape Sable, he named Acadia, 
the same being afterwards styled Nova Scotia by the 
English. The fourth province, extending from Can- 
ceaux to Cape des Rosiers, he named the Bay of St. 
Lawrence. In a further description of the southern prov- 

inces of New France, discovered by de Monts and de 
Champlain, the historian says: "There are perhaps none 
in the world possessing finer harbors or furnishing in 
greater abundance all the conveniences of life. The 
climate is quite mild and very healthy, and no lands 
have been found that are not of surprising fertility. In 
La Haive a single grain of wheat was seen which pro- 
duced one hundred and fifty ears so long and full that 
an iron ring had to be put there to support them. The 
Sieur Denys who reports this fact, actually witnessed 
by himself, adds that in the same place he saw a field 
of wheat where the seeds that were least prolific had 
eight stalks, all bearing ears, the least six inches long. 
Finally, nowhere are there to be seen forests more 
beautiful or with wood better fitted for building masts. 

"There are in some places copper mines, and in 
others mines of coal. The fish most commonly caught • 
on the coast are the cod, salmon, mackerel, herring, sar- 
dine, shad, trout and many other kinds, all of which 
can be salted and exported. Seals, walruses and 
whales are found in great numbers. The rivers, too, are 
full of fresh water fish and the banks teem with count- 
less game. 

"Acadia is admirably situated for commerce; it is 
the head of North America and the nearest, surest and 
most convenient depot for the West Indies traders. It 
is two hundred and fifty leagues in circuit between the 
forty-third and forty-sixth degree north latitude. The 
currents are not troublesome and are navigable under 
any wind." 

It was on the 6th of May that de Monts entered the 
harbor of Acadia. From this place he went to another 
which was called Port de Mouton. Here he landed with 
most of his people and spent several weeks, while his 
companion de Champlain ran down the coast in search 
of a place suitable for the establishment of a settlement. 
Finally they settled on a small island some twenty 
leagues beyond St. John's River, which they named 
the Isle de Sainte Croix. In Champlain's book 
of voyages it is stated regarding this partic- 
ular journey, that he went only six leagues be- 
yond Long Island to Port Ste. Margaret, and then 
returned to Port de Mouton. Accompanied by de Monts, 
he again set forth on the 16th of May, and soon after 
entered Port Royal, which owes its name to Cham- 
plain as the Bay of Fundy did its name of Baye 
Francaise, to de Monts. They then visited les Mines, 
crossed the bay and sailed west to Ouygoudy River, 
which they reached on St. John's day, when, according 
to this history, they pushed on to an island in Pas- 
sammaquody Bay to which de Monts gave the name 
of Ste. Croix. They soon discovered that the location 
selected was a poor one, and as the winter came along, 


found themselves much in want of both water and 
wood. As soon, therefore, as navigation opened, they 
sought for a new and more advantageous spot on which 
to establish the colony. They now steered in a southerly 
direction, ranging along the coast a distance of some 
eighty leagues to the Kennebec River, and then north 
and south to a place which during a previous visit 
Champlain had designated Malebere. Without forming 
any definite plans they now returned to Ste. Croix, where 
they were joined by de Pontgrave, who had but just 
arrived from France. De Monts at once embarked with 
Pontgrave with a view to making still further explora- 
tions, and during this trip ran into Port Royal. To this 
place, which he found was entirely to his liking, he soon 
after removed his colony. The only objection to be 
found with Port Royal seems to have been the difficulty 
of entering and going out, as well as the inconvenience 
arising from the heavy fogs which are quite frequent. 
According to one author, but one ship can enter at a 
time, and that must do so stern foremost, owing to the 
great strength of the currents and the tide. Of the forma- 
tion and accommodation of the bay inside, it may be 
stated that it is two leagues in length and one in width, 
and that there is a small island in the center to which 
vessels can approach quite closely. At no point in the 
basin is the water less than four or five fathoms in depth, 
while at the entrance it is fully five fathoms. The bot- 
tom is good and the shelter also. As to the climate, 
it is temperate, the winter being less severe than in many 
other parts, while the landscape is charming and game 
very plentiful. Two leagues from Port Royal is St. 
John's River, in the region of which large copper 
deposits were said to exist. The entrance to this river 
is even more difficult than that into Port Royal, and its 
surroundings are more than usually remarkable. Of this, 
Shea in his translation of Charlevoix says: "Within 
common range is a rapid over which sloops and even 
barks can pass at high tide. At the descent of this rapid 
there is a whirlpool about four hundred paces in cir- 
cuit, in which there was formerly to be seen standing 
erect a tree which seemed to float and never left its 
place, notwithstanding the force of the current. It ap- 
peared to be about the size of a barrel, but it was some- 
times all covered by the sea for several days. It also 
seemed to turn, as if on a pivot, for it was not always 
seen on the same side. The Indians seemed to pay it a 
kind of worship, attaching to it the skins of beaver and 
other animals, and when they set out and did not per- 
ceive it, they augured ill of their voyage. Pontgrave, it 
would seem, was not altogether of the same opinion as 
de Monts regarding Port Royal, the advantages of that 
location yielding less attraction to him than to the 
others,, while its advantages, on the contrary, were 

magnified to an unusual extent. In 1608 de Monts, 
who had met with many reverses at the hands of his 
enemies, made a settlement on the St. Lawrence River. 
A vessel was placed in charge of de Champlain, one of 
his associates, who finally decided on Quebec as the 
point of settlement. 1 This place, according to geogra- 
phers, is located on the northern shore of the River St. 
Lawrence, about one hundred and twenty leagues from 
the sea, and between a little river which bears the name 
of St. Charles and a large cape called Cape Diamond. 
The Indians gave to this place the name Quebeio, or 
Quelibec, which in Algonquin and Abenaki means a nar- 
rowing end, because the river there narrows in until it 
is only a mile wide; whereas, just below Isle Orleans — 
that is to say, ten leagues further down — it still main- 
tains a breadth of four or five leagues. 

In this same year the King of France became urgent 
in his demands that something must at once be done 
towards the conversion of the Indians, and, furthermore, 
stated as his wish that Jesuits should be taken over to 
the new possessions for that purpose. To this end he 
at the same time directed his confessor, Father Cotton, 
to select from among the order a number physically 
and otherwise suited for such an undertaking. When 
the wishes of the King were made known, many mem- 
bers of the order at once volunteered their services, but 
of these only two were accepted — Fathers Peter Baird 
and Enemond Masse. It was after numerous setbacks 
and unavoidable delays that these two missionaries 
sailed for the field of their future labors, arriving at Port 
Royal on the 12th day of June, 161 1. The circum- 
stances surrounding the arrival of these Reverend 
Fathers in their new home evidenced anything but a 
friendly feeling towards them on the part of the people 
who had already settled there. In fact, the same condi- 
tion of affairs prevailed as that experienced by them pre- 
vious to their departure from France, where the actions 
of those under authority and with whom their transporta- 
tion and safe conveyance was intrusted, were of the most 
unfriendly character. They, however, applied them- 
selves assiduously to the duties of their calling, seeming 
or pretending not to see the expressions of displeasure 
and indifferent and unfriendly action of those from 
whom they might have expected the kindliest treat- 
ment. This most unhappy state of affairs was of 
course due to a condition of superheeded jealousy and 
religious intolerance on part of the Protestant settlers. 
But even from this, by continuous and consistent cour- 
tesy and an evident desire to perform their arduous 
task without murmur or complaint, they managed to 
win over a majority of those who at the beginning 
were so bitterly opposed to their coming. It was, how- 

(1) Charlevoix's History oE New France. 


ever, a condition of strained neutrality boding but little 
good to the cause of religion, or the advancement of the 
interests of the Cross among the heathen. Nor was it 
alone in the new world that the opponents of Catholicism 
displayed these acrid and ungenerous sentiments towards 
the missionary fathers. The Calvinists in France, fearing 
for the result of zealousness displayed on the part of 
these pious and active men, foreseeing possibly the popu- 
larity to be gained by their unremitting and self-sacri- 
ficing labors, incessantly clamored against them, declar- 
ing that it was not so much to preach the religion of 
Jesus Christ as to enrich themselves, that the Jesuits 
ventured into the new world. In such acts were to be 
found the weakest spot in the armor of Calvinism, in 
that they presented themselves in a position of mortal 
rather than moral dread; fearing, it would appear, that 
the loss would be one of personal aggrandizement to 
them rather than of moral progression to the aborigines. 

At the same time the personal affairs of de Monts 
were by no means experiencing as smooth sailing as 
might have been hoped and expected as a result of that 
intrepid voyageur's protracted efforts. Thus it trans- 
pired that while his interests at Port Royal took on a 
flattering and satisfying appearance, this very fact mil- 
itated, to a marked degree, against his ultimate and most 
deserved success. In fact, a sense of jealous reprisal 
seemed to pervade the every act of a number of people 
whose natural perversity made it impossible for them to 
endure the preferment of others. In this case it was not 
so much the man as it was the achievements wrought by 
him that aroused their petulant dislike, causing them to 
work to his discredit — for to them all roads were one, if 
but leading in the direction they most desired. 

So, as a result of these continuous machinations, de 
Monts found many of his rights and privileges withheld 
and petitions rejected, until it appeared as though his 
last hope had been swept into the vortex created by this 
passion for greed, which had become such a dominating 
power with others. Too slothful to work themselves and 
hating to witness the accumulating fruits of others' labor; 
too cowardly to dare the dangers and privations incident 
to such an undertaking, yet morbidly desirous of obtain- 
ing the benefits accruing therefrom, these people, in 
their bitterness of heart, satisfied a paltry revenge in 
accomplishing the downfall of an unoffending fellow 
creature. But in spite of this unexpected act of treach- 
ery on the part of these so-called friends, de Monts 
found many warm and staunch supporters, who, fully 
realizing the value of the man, came forward unhesitat- 
ingly to his assistance. And it was undoubtedly owing 
to this promptness of action on their part that an ap- 
palling and irretrievable disaster was averted. 

That de Monts had made numerous and palpable 

mistakes there was no denying, but so, for that matter, 
had everyone who had preceded him; besides, these were 
on no occasion arrayed as testimony against him. 
Fortunately, too, the efforts of his friends prevailed, so 
that almost within a year his privileges were restored to 
him upon the sole condition that he would establish a 
settlement on the St. Lawrence River. This, of course, 
he readily agreed to, and it was under his guidance and 
direction that Champlain ventured a passage up the St. 
Lawrence and located a settlement at Quebec. Two 
years later (1610) de Monts visited the new settlement, 
where, taking everything into consideration, he found 
the conditions entirely to his liking. Grain planted dur- 
ing the preceding season had yielded a bountiful harvest, 
while in many other ways the general surroundings fur- 
nished abundant suggestions for the future success of 
the colony. i 

At this particular time, the Indians living in the vicin- 
ity of Quebec were known as the Algonquins or Algou- 
mekins. With these and the Montagnais, who lived lower 
down towards Tadoussac, the French endeavored to form 
an alliance, which undertaking was made reasonably easy 
from the fact that they could ofttimes render them con- 
siderable and valuable material aid. The greatest advan- 
tage, however, gained by these Indians in forming an 
alliance with the French settlers was in the assistance they 
received from them in their warfare against the Iroquois, 
a predatory and blood-thirsty race, who were never so 
happy as when destroying the homes, interests and lives 
of all with whom they came in contact. Of the law per- 
taining to the rights of others they knew not a whit, but 
rather deeming in its broadest sense that every man was 
their enemy, meted out to him that peculiar justice which 
made everything and everyone coming within their reach 
a rightful prey. These Algonquins and Montagnais, of 
whom a more extended account will be given later, were 
tribes of the same stock, the former having, indeed, given 
its name to the whole family of kindred tribes occupying 
the greater part of North America. Of their actual locality 
and place of residence, many contending opinions are 
given, some locating it, as did Charlevoix, near Quebec, 
while De la Potherie puts the Montagnais on the Sag- 
uenay, and Algonquins to the number of fifteen hundred 
between Quebec and Sylleri, with others at Three Rivers, 
Saguenay and Inland, later historians differing as fully in 
their opinions. For instance, Gaineau in his Historie 
du Canada located the Algonquins on the St. Lawrence 
from a little below Quebec to the St. Maurice, with one 
tribe at Montreal ; the Ottawas on the river of that name, 
and the Montagnais on the Saguenay and Lake St. John. 
The author of Cours d'Historie places the Algonquins 
around Quebec and up the St. Lawrence towards St. 
Peter's Lake, and the Montagnais on the Saguenay and 


two or three other rivers. Another historian, de Laet, 
located the Indians from the Saguenay to the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence. Lescarbot's Historie de la Nouvelle France 
says the people of Gaspe and Chaleur Bay called them- 
selves Canadacoa. Sagard and Champlain also place the 
Canadians there. Shea expresses it as his opinion that 
these Canadians were the present tribe of people known 
as the Naskapees. According to Sagard the Montagnais 
were so called by the French from the fact that they 
hunted during the winter in the mountains He locates 
them near to Quebec. 

Early in the year 1609, a war party composed of 
Hurons, Algonquins and Montagnais, united with the 
intention of marching against their common enemy, the 
Iroquois. At about this time Champlain, who had win- 
tered at Quebec, was joined by Pontgrave, and together 
they were induced to accompany this expedition. This of 
course was done without his having given a thought to 
that passionate jealousy which soon after brought dan- 
gerous and powerful opponents into the field, with whom 
the Iroquois, out of a natural desire for revenge and as a 
matter of personal safety, willingly allied themselves. 
Hardly a year elasped, in fact, before people of other 
European nations seeking for new conquests in the great 
and growing commercial arena, entered upon this field of 
competition, and at once evidenced both intention and 
ability to maintain their interests at all hazard. Thus, 
Henry Hudson, an Englishman, employed by the Dutch 
East India Company, while attempting to discover a pas- 
sage to China north of America, landed at Cape Cod and 
finally, after many and devious wanderings, located at a 
point many leagues to the south of that place which he 
named Manhatte after the people inhabiting that portion 
■ of the country. But a year later trading vessels were sent 
to this place by merchants from Amsterdam, and some 
time subsequent to their coming — 161 5 — a fort was built 
where the present city of Manhattan now stands. At a 
later period Fort Orange was built at a point considerably 
north of Manhattan. All of the territory thus occupied 
was called the New Netherland. 

After associating himself with the Hurons and other 
tribes in their united effort against the Iroquois, Cham- 
plain discovered, all too late, however, the many dangers 
which menaced him and his country's interests on this 
continent, all of which came about unexpectedly 
although as a very natural result. In this act of his. 
Holland as well as England saw the opportunity for 
assuming an attitude towards the French government 
which was anything but of a pacific character, boding but 
little good for the spread and establishment of French 
interests on the American continent. True, the Dutch 
had really never declared openly against the French and 
become active aggressors as had the English on even- 

available occasion; but they nevertheless had harassed 
the people by the gift of arms and ammunition to the 
Iroquois with whom Champlain, their representative, 
had so unhappily and unnecessarily become embroiled. 
It seems, however, to be the prevailing opinion of a 
majority of those who have written upon this subject, 
that Champlain's mistake was one more of the head than 
the heart, for it is evidenced in his actions throughout 
that it was his intention more particularly to humble that 
fierce and treacherous people, the Iroquois, with a view 
to establishing a permanent peace footing among the 
nations, rather than with the idea of effecting a contrary 
result, which his position in the matter most assuredly 

In his expedition with the allies against the Iroquois, 
we are told that he embarked with them and entered a 
river which had for a long time been known as the river 
of the Iroquois, because it was the principal thorough- 
fare used by that tribe in the numerous raids made by 
them into the interior. Journeying some fifteen leagues 
up the stream, he at last reached the foot of the "Rapid," 
now called the Chambly Rapid, which effectually barred 
his further progress. He, however, sent his boat back 
to Quebec and continued the journey with the allies, 
being accompanied, also, by two of his fellow country- 
men, who refused under any consideration to leave him. 
Here he met with fresh and trying difficulties in the care- 
lessness and want of precaution exhibited by his com- 
panions in their march through the enemy's country, 
and also in the foolish confidence placed by them in the 
senseless impostures and juggleries perpetrated by their 
medicine men. The country through which this expedi- 
tion led them, was reported by Champlain as being 
remarkably beautiful, the river islands teeming with wild 
life — stags, fallow deer and other game of similar charac- 
ter abounding. There were also large numbers of bea- 
vers, while fish absolutely swarmed the waters along 
which they traveled. Some considerable distance down 
this river, the party came upon a large lake some twenty 
leagues in length, and ten or twelve in width at its center, 
the shape of the entire body approaching somewhat that 
of an oval. This body of water, which was then known as 
Lake Champlain, was, according to the explorer's deduc- 
tions, from eight to one hundred leagues in extent. 
On the south and west of the center of this lake were 
some lofty mountains ranging upwards from its shores 
for a distance of about twenty-five leagues. The most 
distant of these were almost perpetually hidden be- 
neath a covering of snow, but the valleys between 
were found to be of an extremely fertile nature. These 
valleys were at that time inhabited by the Iroquois, or at 
least that was the statement made by the Indians accom- 
panying the expedition, but there is no other authority 


for it. After having compassed Lake Champlain, there 
was still another rapid to pass, after which the voyagers 
entered upon a second lake, smaller than the former one, 
being only from four to five leagues in length. This was 
called Lake St. Sacrament; it is now known as Lake 
George, and is called in the Mohawk language, Andia- 
tarocte. To this body of water Champlain gave another 
name, the French term by which it is known having 
been applied to it by Father Isaac Jogues, one of the 
early pioneer missionaries. The objective point, for 
which the Indians were making, was still a considerable 
distance away and would, had they journeyed the entire 
distance, have occupied several days' time in its accom- 
plishment. A portion of this undertaking, however, was 
spared them, the enemy happening across their path 
while they were still journeying along the waters of Lake 
Champlain. It was here that the inherent superstition 
of the natives made itself evident, when, on more than 
one occasion, they inquired of Champlain whether he 
had not seen the Iroquois in his dreams. Observing that 
his continued negatives to this query created much dis- 
satisfaction and uneasiness among them, he at last, with 
a view to quieting the rising excitement, told them that 
he believed he had seen some Iroquois drowning in the 
lake. This was entirely to the liking of the allies, who 
from that time on acted as though assured of victory. 
The two parties finally met, not as anticipated in the 
village of the Iroquois, where the invaders expected to 
surprise them, but at a point which one authority thinks 
must have been Ticonderoga, while another locates it at 
Crown Point. The two parties came in view of one 
another in the evening, and, in consequence of the late- 
ness of the hour, Champlain's allies did not land, but 
ranged their canoes side by side, at some distance from 
the shore; the craft being fastened together by poles so 
as to avoid drifting as much as possible, and for the 
additional reason, that such an arrangement would 
enable them, if necessary, to fight to better advantage. 
Thus they rested in security until the following morning, 
at which time, it had been mutually agreed, the battle 
should begin. 

According to Charlevoix's account of the contest, the 
next morning at daybreak, Champlain placed the two 
Frenchmen who accompanied him and a number of 
Indians in the woods in order to effect a flank movement 
on the enemy. In his personal reminiscences, Champlain 
says that he and his Frenchmen were each in a canoe 
of the Montagnais, and that they landed in the morning. 
The enemy were some two hundred in number, being 
picked and determined warriors, whose endless successes 
in the field led them to imagine that the result would be 
short and altogether favorable to them. This proved a 
mistake, however, as in calculating their resources as 

compared with those of the Algonquins and Hurons, 
they had not taken into account the additional strength 
added to the latter in the persons of Champlain and his 
followers. Of the Indians, both sides were armed only 
with bows and arrows, and there was little doubt as to 
the ultimate outcome of the engagement, had it not been 
for the firearms carried by the French. These it was 
concluded to use against the chiefs of the Iroquois, of 
whom there were three, who were easily distinguishable 
from the others of the party by their adornments of 
birds' feathers or tails of larger size than those worn by 
the ordinary brave. According to our historian, the 
invaders made the first advances, leaving their entrench- 
ments and moving some considerable distance 1 towards 
the Iroquois. 

After traversing some two hundred yards, they 
divided into two bands, swinging to the right and left, 
respectively, and leaving the center open for the ad- 
vance of Champlain, who thus took his position at the 
head of the party. In referring to this, he says : "March- 
ing some twenty paces ahead, I was within thirty 
paces of the enemy when they perceived me and halted 
to regard me, and I them. As I saw them moving to fire 
at us, I raised my arquebuse and aimed directly at one 
of the three chiefs." The advance of Champlain evi- 
dently created no little excitement among the Iroquois, 
the character of his dress and style of arms being entirely 
new to them. Their surprise, however, was intensified 
to a boundless extent at the first report of his arquebuse, 
at which two of their chiefs fell dead and one danger- 
ously wounded. This virtually ended the fight, throwing 
the enemy into a state of disorder from which they 
seemed entirely unable to recover. A pursuit followed, 
in which several of the Iroquois were killed and a num- 
ber made prisoners. 

It is here that we are brought into direct contact 
with the most undesirable characteristics of the natives, 
who, not satisfied with the sudden and bloodless victory 
on their part, and capture of extensive and valuable 
stores, were determined to work out the most inhuman 
and malign designs upon the unfortunate creatures who 
had fallen captives at their hands. After making some 
eight leagues on their return journey, the party came 
to a halt, and taking one of their captives from among 
the number, reproached him with the tortures he had 
inflicted on numerous of their tribes, told him to prepare 
for similar treatment at their hands, and sneeringly 
intimated that, provided he had sufficient courage to 
undergo the ordeal prepared for him, he would show it 
by singing. Cowardice is certainly not a prevailing char- 

(1). Here again there is a slight variance of opinion as Champlain 
in his desorintion of the fight claims that the Iro- 

savins: "As sc~ " 

i landed, they began t 


acteristic of the Indian people, and although we are at 
times led to believe that a stolid indifference pervades 
to a great extent their marvelous will force in sustaining 
the tortures and indignities put upon them, there is a 
certain amount of manliness about their attitude at such 
times which appeals strongly to those who admire a 
valiant spirit, no matter how much the inspiration induc- 
ing such a condition may be at fault. No sooner had 
this suggestion been made than the captive, appre- 
ciating the inevitable, began by intoning his death chant, 
then his war song, and after that all others of a similar 
character that he knew. Death soon followed, his execu- 
tion being attended with all of those horrors which per- 
tained to human sacrifice among the aborigines. Nor 
did these barbarities cease even with death, for no 
sooner was the man dead than the Indians opened him, 
threw his entrails into the lake, cut off his head, arms 
and legs, which they scattered in every direction. All 
that they kept was the scalp, which they put with others 
captured under like circumstances, and the heart, which 
they cut into small pieces and gave to the prisoners to 
eat. Among these unfortunates was the dead man's 
own brother. The return of the war party was hastened 
by the dream of a Montagnais, in which he saw a deter- 
mined party in pursuit. The flight was somewhat pre- 
cipitous, but short intervals of rest being taken until 
they were far on their way towards home, and to all 
intents and purposes out of danger. Upon their return, 
the Algonquins remained at Quebec, the Hurons of the 
party returning home and the Montagnais going to 
Tadoussac, where soon after Champlain followed them. 
The general separation of the party took place at Cham- 
bly Rapids, from which point each went his own way. 
The reception given to the victors upon returning, by 
the people of their tribe, was most enthusiastic, the 
women in their eagerness jumping into the water and 
swimming out towards the approaching canoes. Here 
they secured from their warrior husbands the scalps 
of the enemy, with which they returned triumphant 
to the shore. Numerous presents were given by the 
Indians to Champlain, with the request that he show 
them to the King of France upon returning to 
his native country, for which he was about to sail. 
Failing to find a vessel for that purpose at Tadoussac, 
he went on to Quebec, where he soon after met Pont- 
grave. ' Together these two embarked on September 5, 
1609, the vessel in which they journeyed being in charge 
of Captain Pierre Chauvin of Dieppe. Upon arriving in 
France, Champlain met with a most flattering reception 
at the hands of the king, by whom he was given an 
audience, at Fontainebleau, whither he called him to 
render an accounting of his journeys and furnish a 

description, as far as his knowledge warranted, of the 
condition of affairs in New France. 

It was at about this time that the name of Canada 1 
was given to that territory. 

For some time, de Monts had been making a final 
effort to recover the privileges formerly held by him 
under "letters-patent" from the French governor in 
New France. Particularly solicitous was he for the 
assistance and support of Madame de Guercheville, who 
had much influence in the quarter from which he de- 
sired to obtain favorable recognition. In this, however, 
he did not succeed, in spite of which his associates in the 
enterprise, Messieurs le Gendre and Collier, together 
with a number of others, still adhered to him, and as the 
settlement of Quebec had already been made in the 
name of their company, of which he was the recognized 
chief, he fitted out two vessels, giving the command of 
them to Champlain and de Pontgrave. 

Here, then, Champlain's second expedition to the new 
continent began, as he and de Pontgrave embarked on 
this new enterprise at Honfleur on March 7, 1610. 
Almost immediately upon leaving, however, Champlain 
became seriously ill, as a result of which he had to be 
taken ashore. This, of course, created not a little delay, 
but having somewhat recovered, he at last weighed 
anchor on the 8th day of April, reaching Tadoussac on 
the 26th. Two days later he left that port, not, however, 
before reiterating his former promise to the Montagnais, 
that he would accompany them on another expedition 
against the Iroquois. To that end, indeed, they had 
waited for his return from France, and no sooner had 
they heard of his arrival at Quebec than they came to 
that place in a body to see him, and to urge an imme- 
diate advance into the enemy's country. Nor were the 
Algonquins behind in this matter, they also being in 
readiness and earnestly persistent in their request that 
he would neither cause nor sanction any unnecessary 
delay. The warriors of both tribes then started towards 
the Sorel River, where numerous other Indians had 
agreed to meet them for the purpose of accompanying 
the expedition. Soon after their departure, Champlain 
followed, but upon his arrival was disappointed, the 
number of warriors present being far less than what he 
had expected. Those who were present, however, were 
insistent upon an immediate advance, urging as their 
reason that a large party of Iroquois were then in the 


(1). There seems to be some misunderstanding in regard 1 
Shea, in his translation of Charlevoix, says: But there is not a word 
about New France in Champlain here, and he gives a commission of luOS, 
in which the name occurs twice. The first use of the name known is 
on a copper glohe of Euphmsvnus I'lpius belonging to Buckingham Smith. 
Esq.. dated 1542. in which the country is called Verrazana sive Nova 
Gallia. See Historical Magazine. VI., p. 203; IX., p. 169. It appears 
next in Cartier's Brief Recit. 1545 p. 46: "Hochelaga and Canada, aultre- 
ment appelee par i 


neighborhood, and that in order to surprise them an 
advance must immediately be made. To this undertak- 
ing he reluctantly consented, and at once set forth, 
accompanied by four Frenchmen, in the canoes of the 
natives, leaving the rest of his party to guard the vessel. 
On this venture they had gone but a short distance 
when seemingly for some altogether unaccountable 
reason, and without one word of warning, the Indians 
of the party sprang ashore, and without leaving guide 
or guard behind, disappeared at full speed into the 
woods. This left Champlain and his followers in a most 
undesirable and precarious condition, the country 
through which they were called upon to march being 
of a swampy and treacherous character, and entirely 
unknown to them. Thus, mile after mile, they traveled 
laboriously through the swampy ground, reaching far 
into the water at every step, and being driven almost 
to the point of distraction by myriads of mosquitoes 
and various other insects, which flew in clouds about 
them. Thus they journeyed without guide or path or 
compass by which to direct themselves until, when 
almost overcome by fatigue, they perceived a solitary 
Indian moving in the same direction, whom they begged 
to become their guide. But a short time after, an Algon- 
quin chief came speeding back towards them, begging 
them to hasten as the war parties had already met and 
were engaged in desperate conflict. Upon arriving 
upon the scene of action, Champlain discovered the 
Iroquois in a strongly entrenched position, which the 
attacking party had attempted to force, only to be 
repulsed with considerable loss. Their courage, how- 
ever, was revived at the sight of their French, allies, in 
whose presence they renewed the struggle, which at 
once became furious. Hardly had Champlain reached 
the field when he was wounded by an arrow, and one of 
his men also received a slight injury in the arm. This 
did not prevent them, however, from keeping up a con- 
tinuous fire upon the Iroquois, who, not yet having 
become accustomed to firearms, and the disastrous 
result attending their use, soon began to weaken, seek- 
ing shelter and safety by making a cautious retreat, 
and entrenching themselves in a less exposed and safer 
position. The Frenchmen had now expended all their 
ammunition, and the entire party under the direction of 
Champlain were about to charge upon the works of 
the enemy when a reinforcement of five or six of his 
comrades arrived on the scene of action. The battle was 
at once renewed, and resulted, as might be expected, in 
the almost utter annihilation of the Iroquois. The usual 
amount of savagery was displayed by the Hurons and 
Algonquins in celebrating this victory, as a result of 
which a number of unfortunate Iroquois were called 
upon to suffer the most horrible tortures. Some, how- 

ever, were reserved for a better fate, among them being 
one given to Champlain by the Hurons. The Hurons 
on their departure for home also permitted a French- 
man to accompany them that he might learn more of 
the language and characteristics of the tribe. This, 
however, was only permitted on condition that a Huron 
should be allowed to accompany Champlain to France, 
from whence he might return with a fitting account of 
that kingdom to his people. During this same year — 
1611 — Champlain did take a Huron with him, bring- 
ing him back at the time of his return voyage in the 
following spring. Champlain's return to France in 161 1 
was hastened by the death of the King, which event 
entirely ruined the interests of de Monts in New France. 
For one who had shown so much enterprise in the 
advancement of French interests in the new territory, 
this indeed seemed but a poor return; for, with the 
death of his master, the King, his credit entirely ceased, 
and, as a result, he was absolutely unable to carry mat- 
ters any further. In this most unhappy condition he 
turned to his friend, Champlain, begging of him that 
assistance and support which his former attitude as 
counselor and friend warranted him in expecting. This 
was but a fitting tribute to Champlain and his sterling 
qualities as a friend, for throughout de Monts' accumu- 
lating difficulties he had never forsaken him, but, on the 
contrary, had on all occasions maintained a courageous 
front, with a view to securing, as soon as possible, a 
more powerful protector for his interests. Hoping to 
renew those favorable opportunities, which had been, 
to such a considerable extent, already advanced, and to 
lose which would mean utter and absolute ruin, Cham- 
plain applied in behalf of his friend to Charles de Bour- 
bon, Comte de Souissons, by whom he was courteously 
and favorably received. As a result of this meeting, 
the Comte interested himself in the undertaking to the 
extent of obtaining from the Queen Regent all the 
necessary authority to perpetuate and improve what had 
already been done, and appointed Champlain his repre- 
sentative in the matter, for which purpose he gave him 
full and unrestrained power. It was not long after this 
very satisfactory arrangement had been effected that 
the Comte de Souissons died, the result being that the 
affairs of the colony and interests of de Monts were 
again, for the time being, jeopardized to a considerable 
extent. Fortunately for the further and ultimate suc- 
cess of the undertaking, the Prince de Conde accepted 
the position thus made vacant, retaining Champlain in 
the office to which he had been appointed by his pred- 
ecessor. The appointment of the Prince as viceroy 
was made on November 20, 1612, while the new com- 
mission issued by him to Champlain bears the date of 
November 22 of the same year. Of this authority 


Champlain was unable to avail himself during the entire 
year of 1612, owing to certain difficulties in regard to 
trade, which were attributable to the unhappy differ- 
ences existing between the merchants of St. Malo and 
the government of the colony. It was therefore not until 
the 6th of March in the following year that he embarked 
in a vessel commanded by his former associate, Pont- 
grave, which had just completed the return journey 
from Acadia. On that day, they sailed together, reach- 
ing their destination, Quebec, on May 7th. Finding 
everything at the settlement in a thoroughly satisfactory 
condition, they, without further delay, ascended the 
coast to Montreal, from whence, after a brief stay, Pont- 
grave descended to Quebec while Champlain made a 
journey of investigation along the Ottawa River as far 
as the Algonquins de l'Isle, at that time commanded by 
Tessouat. He then rejoined Pontgrave 1 at Quebec, 
when both embarked for St. Malo, reaching that port 
on the 1st day of August, 1614. 

During this visit to his native country he effected an 
arrangement with the merchants of St. Malo, Rouen and 
Rochelle, the same being confirmed by the Prince de 
Conde. It was at this time, when the commercial 
interests of the colony had fallen into the hands of such 
wise and wealthy people, and when everything pointed 
towards a state of general prosperity and ultimate suc- 
cess, that the opinion was promulgated among those 
who had the welfare of the settlement at heart that it 
would be both wise and expedient to devote some 
attention to the spiritual interests of the colonists. This 
suggestion came from Champlain, who, possibly more 
than any other, was in a position to judge of the neces- 
sity for such an arrangement. He therefore asked and 
• obtained four Recollects, whom the Company which he 
represented supplied with all of the necessary requi- 
sites for their care and comfort. Under the guidance 
then of Champlain, they left their native country for the 
Xew World, arriving at Tadoussac on March 25, 161 5. 
There they stayed for a short time, continuing their 
journey within a few days, and soon after reaching 
Quebec from which point Champlain immediately pro- 
ceeded to Montreal. 2 

Upon arriving at Montreal. Champlain found a 
number of Hurons with a few others from the allied 
tribes, who together induced him to undertake still a 
third expedition with them against the Iroquois. Of 

of a misunderstanding, as 

lot mention his association 

. ited that he embarked near 

if de Maisonneur, and reached St. 



again we 


• somewha 


llis report 


This , 

with Pon 

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S.mlt Si. 

s. June 2711 

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sailed from Hi 

nnfleur Apr 

25. 1615. 


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period, w 

hile Father l'Ca 

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ificus and de 



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leave (in, 

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this he says: "The Sieur du Pont and I considered that 
it was very necessary to assist them, both to oblige them 
more to love us, and to facilitate my enterprises and dis- 
coveries, which to appearances could not be made but 
by their means, and also that this would be a road and 
preparation to come to Christianity." By this means, 
it is believed, he obtained a better and more general 
knowledge of the country, which evidently proved of 
much advantage to the business relations which they 
desired to establish; besides which they offered an op- 
portunity for the introduction of Christianity among a 
great many of the tribes, whose religions were composed 
entirely of superstitious rites and idolatry. But there 
was another side to this question, to be found in the 
growing want of respect shown to him by a people 
whom he was supposed to command, but who, in gain- 
ing such ready acquiescence to all of their demands 
made upon him, showed but little regard for his proper 
rank and position; besides, as the representative of the 
viceroy, he had duties of far more importance pressing 
upon him than to be traversing the country with 
a lot of wild and discourteous people, who regarded him 
more as a pliant tool than an exalted and saving me- 
dium. So far did these people forget the duty due his 
authority that they even failed in fulfilling their obliga- 
tion to meet his party for departure to Quebec, but set 
out with a number of Frenchmen who had remained 
at Montreal and Father l'Caron, the latter wishing, by 
thus accompanying them, to familiarize himself with the 
mode of life among the people to whom he proposed 
introducing the Christian religion. Champlain's mistake 
was in not effecting immediate retaliation in the same 
form as the insult had been given. To the Indians, an 
act effected from virtuous motives is entirely lost, and 
to them no creed of respect is known saving that which 
is compelled by main force or similar means. To run 
after these people, after they had violated their word 
and deliberately left him, was therefore a weak and 
most injudicious act on the part of Champlain, although 
it is assumed that his principal reason for doing so was 
his fear that the priest who accompanied them might 
suffer as a consequence. He therefore, as soon as pos- 
sible, started in pursuit of them, accompanied by two 
Frenchmen and a few Indians whom he found still wait- 
ing on his arrival at Montreal. By making long and 
arduous marches, he finally succeeded in overtaking 
the Hurons at their village of Otoucha — probably 
Touache — where he arrived August 1st by way of the 
Ottawa River and Lake Nipissing. Here he came upon 
them in the act of forming a large war party, which he 
was solicited to command. This charge he accepted and 
without further or unnecessary delay they marched 
towards the country of the Iroquois. To do this, they 


crossed the River Severn near its mouth, went up Lake 
Simcoe and Talbot River, and thence by a portage 
passed to Balsam Lake, and descended the chain of 
lakes and the Otonabee and Trent to Quinte Bay, where 
they reached Lake Ontario (Lac des Entouohonorons), 
in view of the Thousand Isles. They found the enemy 
well entrenched, and difficult to approach, for besides 
occupying a kind of fort, which was well and solidly 
constructed, they had taken the precaution to obstruct 
the approaches by a great abatis of trees and had also 
raised galleries around from which they could fire down 
upon the approaching enemy without having to expose 
themselves. The result of all this was that the first 
attacks were so far from being successful that it was 
deemed inadvisable to venture a second. After a while 
an attempt was made to gain entrance to this strong- 
hold by setting fire to the obstructions, the idea being 
that it would sweep all before it, and clear a thorough- 
fare for the advance of the attacking forces. This 
undertaking, however, was defeated ow.'ng to the fact 
that the besieged had provided for such an attempt by 
having at hand a large supply of water. The Hurons 
then arranged a platform higher than those occupied 
by the Iroquois, on which the French arquebusiers 
were stationed. This was a stratagem of great value to 
the invading party, and would have succeeded to a con- 
siderable extent in thinning the enemy's ranks, had the 
Hurons done as they should have. Their numerical 
strength, however, made them unruly and presumptu- 
ous so that at no time during the engagement was 
Champlain able to control their actions. In addition to 
this, he had received a severe wound in the leg, which 
had such a depressing influence upon his native forces 
that they, instead of being victorious, were compelled to 
withdraw from the contest with heavy losses. Fortunately, 
Champlain soon recovered from his injury, but when pre- 
pared to start on his return journey to Quebec, met with 
a positive refusal from the Indians to furnish him with 
a guide, as they had promised. He was therefore com- 
pelled to remain during the winter among these people, 
which time he used to good advantage by visiting most 
of the Huron towns, and a number of those in which 
resided the Algonquins, which were located near to 
Lake Nipissing. He also succeeded in bringing into 
more friendly relations the Hurons and some of the 
neighboring nations. When the following spring 
arrived, being still unable to obtain the requisite guide, 
and learning also that the Hurons contemplated com- 
manding his services as leader of another expedition 
against the Iroquois, he secretly embarked with Father 
l'Caron and a few friendly Indians, arriving at Quebec, 
July II, 1616. During the months spent among the 
Hurons, the Reverend Father had also accomplished 

much good — journeying from village to village, becom- 
ing acquainted with the people, studying the language 
and formulating plans for the establishment of missions 
among the tribes. 

After spending less than a month at Quebec, 
Champlain and Father FCaron accompanied the Su- 
perior of the mission on the return journey to 
France, embarking with that intent on July 20, and 
reaching the end of their journey, Honfleur, on Septem- 
ber 10, 1616. This left but one priest, Father d'Olbeau, 
and Brother Pacificus, the latter having been appointed 
as instructor to the children of the French and Indians, 
who had established themselves at Three Rivers. It 
was his good fortune, during the following year, to ren- 
der an eminent service to the residents of the colony. 
It would appear that the allied Indians, having for some 
unaccountable reason become discontented, had plotted 
to do away with the entire French population. This, it 
is supposed, was brought about through their fear of 
some revenge, which they expected Champlain would 
wreak upon them on his return from France, as retalia- 
tion for the death of a couple of settlers, whom they had 
murdered. One of these, a locksmith, and Charles Fil- 
let were killed in the month of April, 1617,'the trouble 
arising out of the fact that the former had severely 
beaten an Indian. Having determined to annihilate the 
colony, eight hundred of the Indians gathered at Three 
Rivers, where they proceeded to devise the proper 
means for effecting their purpose. Of this fact and 
purpose, Brother Pacificus was warned, and through 
means of that knowledge, he was fortunately enabled to 
bring about a reconciliation between the offending tribe 
and the commandant. Champlain, however, remained 
persistent in his demand that the murderers be given up 
to justice. As a compromise, they sent him one of them 
with a quantity of furs, which were supposed to repre- 
sent indemnity for the other. The Indians also gave two 
of their chiefs as hostages. After this, Champlain em- 
ployed the major portion of his time in journeying to 
and fro between Quebec and France in order to obtain 
supplies for the colony, which however, were but seldom 
furnished in such quantities as were really required. On 
one of these journeys, he left Quebec on July 26, 161S, 
reaching Honfleur on the 28th of the following month. 
On this occasion, he was accompanied by the Recol- 
lects, Paul and Pacificus. Unfortunately for the welfare 
and rapid progress of the struggling colony, the court 
of France took but little, if any, interest in that new 
acquisition, and by leaving it in the hands of narrow- 
minded and prejudiced individuals, whose broadest 
views for its advantage were prescribed by the narrow 
limits of trade, left but small hope indeed, for its imme- 
diate benefit. The viceroy, Prince de Conde, was of the . 


opinion that he had done his share towards its advance- 
ment, by lending- to the undertaking the prestige of 
his name, besides which, the troubles arising in the 
regency, which at that time cost him his liberty, and the 
numerous intrigues set on foot to deprive him of his 
title of viceroy and the effort to annul the commission 
of Marshal de Themines, by whom he was arrested at 
the Louvre in September, 1616, and to whom he had 
entrusted Canada during his three years of imprison- 
ment at Vincennes, brought about an untoward condi- 
tion of affairs which threatened annihilation to the little 
settlement. There was also a marked lack of unison 
among the commercial element, whose petty jealousies 
added still another warring factor to the interests of 
the colony; but in spite of these seemingly increasing 
obstacles, Champlain persisted manfully in his life's 
work, expending his entire time and energies in behalf 
of those, who had trusted to his ability to see their inter- 
ests properly guarded and cared for, and without one 
thought to selfish or personal advantage. Still another 
change was effected in the condition of affairs, when in 
1620, Prince de Conde transferred his rights and title 
as viceroy to his brother-in-law, Marshal de Montmor- 
ency. This nobleman, whose title was that of Duke de 
Montmorency, and who held a position as marshal until 
1624, was the one who joined Gaston in his revolt 
against Louis XIIL, and was finally taken at the battle 
of Castelnaudary and executed October 30, 1632. The 
new viceroy also secured the services of Champlain as 
manager of the colony. It was at that time, when this 
indefatigable worker had at last become convinced, 
by the general improvement in the surrounding condi- 
tions, that there was absolutely a future for New France, 
that he moved his family to the colony. Upon his arrival 
at Tadoussac in May, 1632, he found the traders of 
Rochelle selling firearms and ammunition to the sav- 
ages against the express commands of the King. This 
materially added to the dangers and misgivings of the 
colonists, and it was within a year from the time of this 
breach of confidence as well as of the law, that the 
Iroquois made their way with arms into the very center 
of the settlement. They too, seemingly had their fears, 
believing that with an increase of French settlers, the 
Hurons and Algonquins would again overrun and 
devastate their country. They consequently decided to 
do away with the French before, by fortifying and other- 
wise formally establishing themselves, it would be a 
matter of impossibility to do so. Three war parties 
were therefore raised, it being arranged that they first 
should march towards Sault St. Louis, where they found 
a number of Frenchmen guarding the passage. These, 
however, though few in number, with the aid of some 
Indians repulsed the enemy, a number of the latter being 

killed, while some remained prisoners. Those who 
escaped succeeded in carrying with them the Recollect 
Father William Poulain, upon learning which the 
French immediately gave chase. Being unable to over- 
take the escaping party, those in pursuit released one of 
their prisoners, authorizing him to propose the exchange 
of the missionary for one of their chiefs. Fortunately, 
the man arrived in time to do so, although preparations 
for burning the captive were well under way. The prop- 
osition made by the French was favorably received, and 
the exchange as proposed effected. Another of the Iro- 
quois expeditions approached Quebec in canoes, advanc- 
ing up the St. Charles River with a view to investing 
the Recollect Convent. Here they fell in with a small 
party of Hurons, several of whom they burned, but after 
committing numerous other outrages in the vicinity 
they withdrew without making any further attempt to 
molest the convent. Of the third party no accounting- 
is given, although it is understood that they started 
out upon the same errand. Realizing the dangerous 
situation in which he was placed and his inability 
to cope with these Indians, Champlain applied to 
the King of France and Duke de Montmorency for 
relief, citing as his necessity for doing so the disregard 
shown to all similar requests made by him to the com- 
pany. On this purpose bent, he deputed Father George 
le Baillif to call upon and lay that matter before the 
King. Father Bailiff was well received at court, and, 
what is better still, obtained all of the concessions for 
which he applied in behalf of the colony. The first move 
to effect a new and more satisfactory condition of affairs 
was to suppress the original company, in lieu of which 
was formed one called the Montmorency Company, 
which consisted of William and Ezechial de Caen and 
William Robin, merchants; Francis de Troves, Presi- 
dent of the Treasurers of France, at Orleans ; Jacques de 
Troves, merchant; Claude le Ragois, Arnould de Nov- 
veau, Pierre de Verton and Francis Herve. Of this new 
arrangement, Champlain was informed by a letter from 
the viceroy. But with its seemingly increasing advan- 
tages, the colony took on anything but a sturdy growth, 
and in 1622 we find it consisting- of but fifty souls, 
including women and children. The buildings of the 
settlement at this time consisted of a small fort, a mer- 
chant's house, a house owned by one widow Herbert 
and a small convent. Business also was extremely light, 
although quite a satisfactory trade was carried on at 
Tadoussac, while another trading post was in operation 
at Three Rivers, which lay some twenty-five leagues 
beyond Quebec. It was at about this time that the Sieur 
de Pontgrave, who had been an active co-worker 
with Champlain, was placed in charge of the interests of 
William de Caen, of the new company, whose health 


compelled his immediate return to France. It was dur- 
ing the same year, 1623, that Champlain was warned 
that the Hurons were considering the project of aban- 
doning their alliance with the French and joining forces 
with the Iroquois. In consequence of this undesirable 
trend of affairs, he sent among them Father l'Caron, 
who was accompanied by Father Nicholas Viel and 
Brother Gabriel Saghardt, both of whom had but recently 
arrived from France. During the next year, extra pre- 
cautions were taken by the commandant, who built 
a commodious stone fort at Quebec. Immediately after 
the completion of that building, he once more returned 
to France with his family, finding upon his arrival that 

the viceroy had about completed a sale of his rights and 
privileges to his nephew, Henry de'Levy, Duke de Ven- 
tadour, to whom a patent was granted in March, 1625. 
The new viceroy had sometime previously withdrawn 
from the court, and had taken holy orders, so that this 
undertaking upon his part was far from being caused 
by any desire for the renewal of his acquaintance with 
worldly affairs, but rather for the purpose of carry- 
ing spiritual consolation to the Indians, and effecting 
their conversion. To that end, he laid the matter before 
the King, who readily assented to the proposition, the 
more willingly perhaps as it coincided with the express 
wishes of the Recollect Fathers. 


Che Trench in Canada-continued. 


Five Jesuits and a Recollect Father embark in charge of William de Caen 
for Quebec— Prejudice of Settlers against the former due to Calvin- 
istic Influences.— First Home of the Missionaries.— Fathers de Daillon 
and Brebeuf go to Three Rivers.— Death of Recollect Father Nicholas 
Viel.— The Missionary Force is strengthened.— Deplorable Condition of 
the Colony.— A New Company is formed and Charter obtained.— The 
King's Grants.— An Unfortunate Contretemps.— The English advance 
on Quebec— De Roquemont's Error.— Starving Condition of the Set- 
tlers.— Surrender of Quebec— The English assume Possession of the 
Colony.— The French take their Departure.— Treaty between France 
and England.— Michel's Awful Death.— Champlain's Return to France. 
Richelieu's Peremptory Demands.— New France is restored to the 

)HE succession of Henry de Levi to the vice- 
royalty of the colony, the earnest and ex- 
\ss$kM/ pressed effort on the part of Champlain, and the 
ready acquiescence of the Recollects, brought 
about the first concurrent effort for the spiritual welfare 
of the colonists and the evangelization of the savages. 
Immediate action was therefore taken to the end of at 
once carrying out the plans adopted for that purpose, 
and Father Charles Lallemont, Father Enemond 
Masse and Father John de Brebeuf, with two lay broth- 
ers, were assigned to the Mission. It was in the year 
1625, all of the necessary preparations having been 
made, that these five Jesuits, accompanied by the Rec- 
ollect Father Joseph de Daillon, and in charge of Wil- 
liam de Caen, embarked for Quebec. In spite of the 
seeming willingness of the Recollect Fathers that die 
work inaugurated by them should be divided with the 
Jesuits, there appears to have been some misgivings on 
the part of those by whom the latter were sent. That 
this was not altogether uncalled for, was quickly evi- 
denced in the reception given to the Jesuit Fathers on 
their arrival at Quebec. 

The people of that settlement had become violently 
prejudiced against the Order, which unhappy condition 
was largely, if not wholly, due to the circulation of 
stories current among the Calvinists in France at that 
time. Fortunately, however, for the welfare of the 
Jesuits, as well as for the cause of religion, these unfav- 
orable impressions were soon effaced, the people assum- 
ing a most friendly position toward them. Upon their 
arrival at Quebec the Jesuit Fathers were located in a 
house provided for them by the Recollects, which was 
situated at a distance of a quarter of a league from the 

town and on the St. Charles River. In this place they 
are said to have lived for two years, but a little while 
after effecting a settlement in Quebec, Fathers de 
Daillon and de Brebeuf started on a journey to Three 
Rivers, their object being to visit the country of the 
Hurons, among whom it was their intention to spend 
some considerable time. On their way there they fell 
in with a party of that tribe who at once offered to act 
as their guides. At this identical time, when about 
ready to continue their journey under guidance of the 
Indians, they received news which impelled them to 
immediately return to the settlement. It would seem 
that the Recollect Father Nicholas Viel, after nearly 
two years of persistent labor among the Hurons, 
determined to return to Quebec in order that he might 
obtain some much-needed rest. Making known his 
desire, he was at once offered the opportunity of accom- 
panying a number of the tribe who were then prepar- 
ing to make the same journey. On this occasion, in 
place of following the route usually taken, they traversed 
a channel called Riviere des Prairies, which separates 
Montreal Island and Island Jesus. Instead of 
avoiding the dangerous rapid which is located about 
midway in the channel, by making a portage, they 
endeavored to shoot it with their canoe. In making this 
attempt the canoe capsized and Father Viel, with an- 
other of the company, a young convert, were drowned, 
from the date of that occurrence the rapid has always 
been known as Sault au Recollect (Recollects' rapid), 
which name pertains to the present day. There was a 
strong suspicion at that time, and it may well be said 
to have continued to the present, that the accident was 
not altogether unpremeditated, but had been brought 
about by some of the party who were ill disposed 
toward the Missionary. This belief was emphasized by 
the fact that all of the Hurons escaped and that the 
personal effects of the priest were seized by and divided 
among them. This was the cause then, and a very 
reasonable one, too, that aroused the objection to an 
immediate departure by Fathers de Daillon and de 
Brebeuf for the Huron country. 

About a year after the arrival of de Caen and his 
party of Jesuits at Quebec, Fathers Philibert Noyrot 
and Anne de Noue and a brother also arrived at that 
place in a small vessel which they had chartered for 



the puprose at their own expense. With them they 
brought twenty mechanics, which enabled the people ot 
Quebec to improve their residences and strengthen 
and fortify the town. These improvements were of 
great importance and value to the place, as prior to 
that time it had been unprovided with most of the essen- 
tials for either comfort or safety. In carrying out the 
extensive design for their additional comfort, the peo- 
ple of the colony were largely aided by Father Masse, 
whose experience and talent proved of unusual value; 
but even here, while working assiduously for the ben- 
efit of the colonists, he found an undercurrent of opposi- 
tion, which, unless eradicated, was bound to prove fatal 
to the interests of the settlement. The Indians, too, 
caused great alarm and continued uneasiness. Col- 
onists were slain by them with impunity, the numerically 
weak condition of the settlers making it impossible 
for them to demand or obtain redress. This seeming 
lack of nerve or moral force upon their part induced 
the savages to believe that they had nothing to fear 
from that source, and as a result the lives of the settlers 
were in constant peril. 

After a somewhat extended visit to his native coun- 
try Champlain returned to Quebec, where he found upon 
his arrival, that the affairs of the colony had fallen into 
a most unsatisfactory condition. Everything, in fact, 
appeared to be at a standstill ; the buildings begun before 
his departure being in about the same condition as when 
he left them, while the lands which had long since been 
cleared and prepared for planting, remained uncultivated 
and unproductive. So it would seem that the new com- 
pany of which the de Caens had been the originators 
and were the moving spirit, was lacking as an organiza- 
tion in many of the most important essentials, for while 
the leaders evidently lacked in that forceful and energetic 
spirit which success on such occasions of necessity 
requires, the other partners became wholly engrossed in 
the profits to be derived from the fur trade and other 
commercial pursuits, totally ignoring the settlers either 
as regards their temporal or spiritual condition. Thus 
under these depressing circumstances the colony had 
fallen into a most wretched condition and it became 
evident that, were not heroic methods applied and 
important action taken for its betterment, the direst 
results might be looked for. The matter as it stood was 
therefore laid before the King's council, and so palpable 
was the urgency of the request that that body interested 
Cardinal Richelieu in the matter and induced him to 
place the management of the commerce of New France 
in other hands. At the same time it was also urged that a 
company of one hundred members (to be called Morbihan 
Company) be formed for that purpose. The scheme, we 
are given to understand, was a most excellent one, and 

had the project been carried into active effect would 
have doubtless made of New France one of the most 
powerful and successful colonies in America. The plan 
for the organizing of this company w T hich was pre- 
sented to the Cardinal by Messieurs de Rouquemont, 
Hon el, de Lattaignant, Dablon, du Chesne and Castil- 
lon, agreed: First — "That in the ensuing year, 1628, 
the associates would send over to New France two or 
three hundred mechanics, of all trades, and before the 
year 1643 they promised to increase the number of 
inhabitants to sixteen thousand; to lodge, support and 
supply them with everything for three years; then to 
assign them as much cleared land as would be neces- 
sary for their support, and to furnish grain to sow. 
Second — That the settlers should be native born 
Frenchmen and Catholics, and that care should be 
taken that no foreigners or heretics entered the coun- 
try. Third — That in each settlement there should be at 
least three priests, whom the company undertook to 
supply absolutely with all required for themselves in 
person or their ministry for fifteen years, aftet which 
they might subsist by means of the cleared lands 
assigned to them." As a matter of compensation for all 
such expenses thus incurred, First — the King on his part 
assigned to the members and their representatives for- 
ever the fort and habitation of Quebec: "all the country 
in New France, including Florida, which his majesty's 
predecessors had settled, all the course of the great 
river and the streams emptying into it, or which in 
that extent of country reached to the sea 1 ; the islands, 
ports, harbors, mines, according to the ordinance, fish- 
eries, etc.; his majesty reserving only the right of fealty 
and homage, with a gold crown of eight marks' weight 
at each change of King, and support of the officers and 
supreme . justices, to be named and presented by the 
said company when it should be deemed proper to 
establish them; power to cast cannon, build fortified 
places, forge all kinds of arms, offensive and defensive, 
and aid generally everything for the safety of the coun- 
try and preservation of the trade. Second — His majesty 
conceded to them the right to grant lands in such quan- 
tity as they deemed expedient; to give them such title, 
honors, rights and powers as they chose, according to 
the qualities, condition and merits of the person, with 
such charges, reservations and conditions as should be 
deemed just; but that in case of the erection to duchies, 
marquisates, courtships and baronages, letters of con- 
firmation should be taken out from the King on the 
presentation of Cardinal de Richelieu, grand master, chief 
and superintendent of the trade and commerce of 
France. Third — That the company might enjoy, fully 


and peaceably, what was granted to them, his majesty 
revoked all concessions made of said lands, patents or 
portions thereof; he granted to the company in per- 
petuity the trade in leather, skins and furs; and for fif- 
teen years only — commencing January 21, 1628, to the 
last of December, 1643 — a ^ other trade by land or sea, 
made in any manner whatever, in the extent of said 
country and as far as it might extend, excepting only 
the cod and whale fisheries, which his majesty wished to 
be free to all his subjects; revoking all conflicting con- 
cessions and especially the article granted to William 
de Caen, interdicting for the said time all trade granted 
to the said de Caen and his associates or others, under 
penalty of confiscation of the vessels and the goods to 
the profit of the company, unless Cardinal de Richelieu 
should give leave, passport or permission to any one 
of all the places mentioned. Fourth — The King in- 
tended, nevertheless, that the French settled in the same 
parts, who were neither supported nor maintained at 
the expense of the company, should be at full liberty 10 
trade with the Indians for furs on condition that they 
sold their beaver skins only to the factors of the com- 
pany, who should be obliged to buy them at forty sous 
tournois a skin, if good and well conditioned, with a 
prohibition against their selling to others under pain of 
confiscation. Fifth — The King agreed to present to the 
company two ships of war of two or three hundred tons 
each, but without supplies; that if these vessels should in 
any way whatever be lost, the company should replace 
them at its own expense, except in case of their being 
taken by the King's enemies in open war. Sixth — In 
case the company failed to send over in the first ten 
years fifteen hundred French of both sexes, it was 
agreed that it should refund to his majesty the esti- 
mated cost of the outfit of the two ships of war; and 
that if in the remaining years it again failed to send over 
the stipulated number of men and women, except in 
case of capture of ships by the enemy, the company 
was to make the same restitution, and be deprived of 
the trade granted it by the present articles. Seventh — 
The King permitted it to embark on the said vessel 
such captains, soldiers and sailors as it chose; on con- 
dition, however, that the captains on its recommenda- 
tion should take their commissions or authority from 
his majesty, as should, too, the commandants of posts 
and forts already erected or to erect in the extent of the 
countries granted. As to the other vessels employed 
by the company, they might give command to such 
persons as they deemed proper, in the usual manner. 
His majesty also gave the company four bronze cul- 
verins heretofore granted to the Molucca Company.'' 

The King did not limit his favors and precautions 
here, but to induce his subjects to emigrate to New 

France and to establish all kinds of manufacture there, 
he still further declared: First — "That all those mechan- 
ics whom the company agreed to send over should be 
reputed master mechanics, if they chose to return after 
plying their trade and business there for six years, and 
should be privileged to keep open shop in Paris and 
other cities on their bringing back authentic certificates 
of their service; and for this purpose there should an- 
nually, at each embarkation, be filed in the office of 
the Admiralty a list of those sent to New France by the 
company. Second — That goods of whatever quality, 
coming from said countries, and especially those manu- 
factured there, would be the fruits of French industry, 
they should for fifteen years be free from all imposts 
and subsidies, although transported and sold in the 
kingdom; that likewise all munitions of war, provisions 
and other necessaries for victualing and embarking, to 
be made for New France, should enjoy the same exemp- 
tions and franchises during the said term of fifteen 
years. Third — That it should be lawful for all persons, 
of any rank whatever — ecclesiastics, nobles, officers, and 
others — to enter the said company without compromis- 
ing the privileges granted to their orders; that those of 
the company might, at their discretion, admit to the 
association those who presented themselves; that if any 
were not noble by extraction, his majesty would ennoble 
to the number of twelve, who should thereafter enjoy 
all privileges of nobility, which should descend to their 
children born or to be born in lawful wedlock; that for 
this purpose his majesty would furnish the said associ- 
ates twelve patents of nobility, signed, sealed and issued 
with names in blank, to be filed with those of the said 
twelve said associates, and that these letters patent 
should be distributed by the Cardinal Grand Master to 
those who should be presented by the company. Fourth 
— That the descendants of the French settled in said 
country and the Indians who should be brought to the 
knowledge of the faith, and make profession thereof, 
should be deemed and reputed native Frenchmen, and 
as such should be allowed to come and reside in France, 
at their option, and there acquire, dispose by will and 
take by devise, bequest and gift in the same manner as 
real natives of the kingdom and Frenchmen born, with- 
out being held to take out any letters of declaration or 

It would also appear that the King had pledged him- 
self in case any marked disturbance, civil or foreign, 
should occur to prevent the carrying out or the fulfillment 
of his promises to grant to the company a similar or suf- 
ficient delay with which to meet or overcome such 
exigencies. He further agreed "to show and ratify in 
the proper office all letters necessary for the common 
execution of the preceding articles, and in case of oppo- 


sition to their verification his majesty reserved cogniz- 
ance thereof to himself.'' 

The King also agreed that if in course of time the 
company found it necessary to expend or amplify any 
of the articles or aid any one, relief would be afforded 
according to the necessity or requirements of the case. 
It was also agreed that the company should be at lib- 
erty to draw up such articles of association, "rules and 
ordinances as they deemed necessary for the mainten- 
ance of their society; which articles, rules and ordi- 
nances being approved by the grand master, authorized 
by his majesty and duly registered, should thereafter be 
observed according to their form and tenor, as well by 
the said company as by those already settled or to set- 
tle thereafter in New France." 

The foregoing articles were signed by Cardinal 
Richelieu on April 19, 1627, at which time also those who 
were responsible for the project attached their signa- 
tures. These articles were duly approved by the King 
in an edict given during the following month at Rochelle, 
which gives more fully and completely the details 
of the understanding than the statement heretofore pre- 
sented. On the completion of these arrangements the 
Duke de Ventadour resigned his vice-regal authority. 

Of the new company when formed there were one 
hundred and seven members, among whom were Car- 
dinal Richelieu, Marshal Defiat, Commander de Razilli, 
de Champlain, the Abbe de la Magdelaine, and others, 
among them being a number of wealthy and influential 
merchants of Paris and other commercial cities. The 
arrangements in fact as to membership and detail were 
so satisfactory that it was hoped and seemed entirely 
probable that the company of New France, as it was 
finally decided to designate it, would not only maintain 
and improve these possessions in the commercial inter- 
ests of France, but aid also in strengthening and ulti- 
mately establishing the success of the colony itself. 

An unfortunate contretemps occurred at this time, 
which threatened to an alarming extent the welfare of 
the new enterprise. France was at that particular 
moment embroiled with the English, who were conse- 
quently awaiting the first feasible opportunity to retaliate 
with effect. This was furnished in the siege of la 
Rochelle, which afforded the necessary pretext for com- 
mencing open hostilities. To this end, they captured the 
first vessels sent by the French Company to America. 
Another source of discomfort was caused by one David 
Kertk 1 (by some called Kerque and Kyrcke), who was 

(1). David, Lewis, and Thomas were the sons of Jedvase (or Jervis) 

Kertk, who was horn in i:,i;x in Derbyshire. Knglnnd. the oldest son of a 

gentleman's family: later bo 1 anio a merchant in London. In 1596 he 

married Llizaboth Condon of I deppe, l»v whom he had seven children. 
His sons, David, Lewis and Tin. mas, wore aged respectively thirtv-two, 
thirty, and twenty-six years, at the time Qiiebee was taken. They were 
all prominent members ,,f tn ,, Merchant Adventurers of Canada, jervase 
died IT, b,L".i. David was knighted l.v Charles I., in 1633. as a 
reward for his services in taking Quebee. but (according to H. Kirk) nei- 

born at Dieppe, his father being a Scotchman. This 
man, it is claimed, became offensively aggressive to the 
interests of the colony at the instigation of William de 
Caen, who thought it an admirable opportunity to obtain 
revenge for the loss of his rights and privileges under 
the new arrangement. Accompanied by a large 
party, Kertk landed in the colony, which he at once pro- 
ceeded to invest, penetrating as far as Tadoussac, from 
which point he sent out a formidable party to burn the 
buildings and kill the cattle at Cape Tourmente 2 . 

It is further stated that the man placed in charge of 
this expedition was instructed by Kertk — after complet- 
ing his depredations at the Cape — to advance on Quebec 
and demand the surrender of that fort. 

The attempt was actually made, Champlain and de 
Pontgrave, who had recently returned from a visit to 
France in the interests of de Monts, being personally in 
charge of the colony when the leader of the investing 
party made the demand. A meeting of the residents was 
at once called, and after careful and mature deliberation 
on their part, it was decided to make a vigorous defense. 
Encouraged by such unanimous support on the part of 
the people, Champlain answered the summons in such a 
bold and positive manner that the commander of the 
expedition concluded it most prudent to withdraw his 
forces. At this time the colony was in a most pitiable 
condition, being reduced to an allowance not exceed- 
ing seven ounces of bread for each person a day. The 
supply of ammunition was also reduced to a minimum, 
there not being to exceed five pounds of powder in the 
magazine when the summons for surrender was made. 
Of course, the invading party were entirely unac- 
quainted with this state of affairs, or the result of the 
expedition might have been far different from what it 
was. When, however, the commander of the party 
reported to Kertk, the latter, believing that the condi- 
tions at Quebec were far more favorable than they 
really were, thought to obtain a more bloodless success 

losses he incurred in that enterprise, although in the negotiations for the 
restitution of Canada, the French king had agreed to pay the 

■ his heirs received any pecuniary recompense for the heavy 
;otiations for the 

. viii-x) gives i 

j to Kirk. Brymner (Can. Archiv_... _ 

document (probably it'.'.r.H detailing the claims of the Kirks to the terri- 
tories of Nova Scotia and Quebec. 

A r.olonv had been established in Newfoundland in 1621, by George 

who received from James I. a large tract of land in the 

; extending to I'l.oontia Hay. which he named 

he abandonedit in 1629. The grant of the whole island v 

Lord lialtir 

made by Charles 

. Nov. 13, 1637, to the Duke of Hamilton, Sir David 
fter a few years became the sole owner 
ruler until his death (about 1653). He 
of the island — encouraging emigration, 
ons as well, as to the English, and pro- 

As the Kirk family were devoted Loyalists, they suffered many losses 
under the Commonwealth, and Sir David's property was for some time 
sequestrated as that of a malignant. Finally, in 1660, his heirs were 
obliged to yield possession of Newfoundland to Cecil Lord Baltimore who 
claimed it under the grant made to his father. 

A daughter of David Kirk I nine the second wife of Pierre Radison, 

the Hudson Bay explorer.— Thwaites, in notes to Vol. V. of the Jesuite 

The name Kirk or Kertk. as used in the present work, is variously 
spelled Ker, Kerk, Kirke, Kyrek, Kirtk, Kyrcke, Kerque, Quer, Quercli, 

(2), Writers differ in regard to this, as neither Sagard nor Champlain 
charged de Caen as accessory to the raid, while Faillon offers a vigorous 
defense in his behalf. 


t jlapturing the fleet, which lie learned had just been 
i jted by the new company for the colony. These ves- 
t4 were in the command of M. de Roquemont, in 
pse care had been placed a number of families and a 
pintity of supplies for Quebec. Having arrived at the 
Jdstead called Gaste, which virtually marked the termi- 
Jion of his voyage, de Roquemont sent a boat to Cham- 
Jin, notifying him of the acquisitions he was bringing 
Jthe settlement, and sending to him the King's, patent 
iating him Governor and Lieutenant-General for 
Je entire territorv comprising New France, with 
< Jders to take a careful inventory of all effects and 
1 joperties belonging to the Sieur de Caen. Before 
sufficient time had elapsed for the messenger to return, 
de . Roquemont learned of the approach of Kertk. It 
was here that he evinced that indiscretion which 
resulted so disastrously to the interests ' of the fleet 
entrusted to his care, the settlement at Quebec and colony 
in general, for instead, as he should have done, of 
avoiding a meeting with the English forces, he imme- 
diately weighed anchor and went to meet them. This 
was certainly a most unadvisable move, against which 
his better judgment should have warned him. Even had 
the number of the forces and armament warranted him 
in seeking a contest, the condition of his vessels, which 
were heavily laden, and therefore cumbersome to han- 
dle, should have forbidden any such attempt. The result 
of the meeting was inevitable. The English, under the 
skillful direction of their commander, and with vessels 
in every manner better prepared for such a purpose, 
maneuvered easily and rapidly around the French, 
harassing and crippling them to such an extent that 
they were soon compelled to surrender. Thus, through 
a piece of thoughtlessness and unnecessary bravado on 
the part of de Roquemont, the suffering colonists 
were despoiled of the absolute necessaries of life. To 
add to these difficulties, the harvest had yielded scant 
returns, and the general prospects for obtaining the 
barest sustenance were exceedingly gloomy. There was 
nothing, in fact, to prevent the people of the settlement 
from giving way to utter despair, save for the uncertain 
yield afforded by the eel fishery, and a few elk which 
were occasionally brought to Quebec by Indian hunt- 
ers. The people were really in a most desperate condi- 
tion, as there remained but one chance of their obtain- 
ing the assistance so much needed to save them from 
absolute starvation. Their entire hopes, therefore, were 
centered in Father Philibert Noyrot, Superior of the 
Jesuits, and Father Charles Lallemont, who had gone 
to France for succor. Fortunately, they were success- 
ful in that undertaking, procuring sufficient means 
with which to engage a vessel and load it with provi- 
sions. In this vessel, also, embarked Father Alexander 

de \ ieuxpont and a brother named Louis Malot. Here 
again disaster followed, for the vessel intended for Que- 
bec was driven by a southeast wind upon the coast oi 
Acadia, where it became a total wreck. Father Noyrot 
and Brother Malot were drowned at this time, but 
Father Vieuxpont succeeded in escaping and finally 
joined Father Vimond on the Island of Cape Breton. 
Father Lallemont also escaped and at once embarked 
in a Biscayan vessel, to bear news of the disaster to 
France, but was again wrecked near San Sebastian. 
Thus the colonists were compelled to struggle along, 
waiting and hoping in vain for the barest necessities 
with which to keep body and soul together. Nor was 
this all with which they had to contend, for the Indians, 
noticing the strength and prestige gained by the Eng- 
lish, slowly but surely became alienated from their 
French allies. There were also internal disruptions, 
which added still further to the general unhappy condi- 
tion of affairs, caused by a division of feeling between 
the Huguenots and others, the former, who had come 
over with the expedition headed by Sieur de Caen, being 
anything but loyal to the state government, then in 
charge of Champlain. 

With seemingly no hope for relief, and being without 
knowledge of any further effort to be made in their 
behalf, Champlain strongly advised another expedition 
against the Iroquois, in whose country, he was of the 
opinion, at least a living could be obtained. The aggres- 
sive attitude of these Indians for sometime past gave 
ample grounds for, and warranted the undertaking of 
such an expedition, the only objection to the immediate 
adoption of the idea being the scarcity of powder. This 
necessitated a delay, during which time notice was 
received of the return of the English expedition. This 
was towards the end of July, at which time the provi- 
sions of the colonists had entirely failed. While in this 
condition, word was brought to Champlain that the 
English vessels had been sighted near Pointe de Levi. 
Their arrival at that time was looked upon by him more 
as a deliverance than an occurrence to be regretted, as 
owing to the prevailing condition of affairs in the col- 
ony, it meant absolute salvation. A short time after- 
ward, a boat landed, the officer in charge presenting to 
Champlain a letter from Louis and Thomas Kertk, 
brothers of Admiral David Kertk, who had arrived in 
command of a part of the English fleet, which had left 
Gravesend for New France on March 26, 1629. The 
letter, though courteous, contained a summons to an un- 
conditional surrender, and further stated that they wer<r 
aware of the sad condition of the colony, which informa 
tion they had obtained from Sieur Boule, brother-in-law 
of Champlain, whom the Governor had sent to the com- 
pany in France for aid, but who had unfortunately fallep 


into the hands of the Englishmen. To these demands 
for surrender, Champlain was compelled to agree, the 
conditions of the same being, as follows: "First — That 
before any further steps, the Messieurs Kertk should 
show their commission from the King of Great Britain, 
and a power from their brother, Admiral David. Sec- 
ond — That they should furnish him a vessel to proceed 
to France, with all the Frenchmen without excepting 
any, not even two Indian girls belonging to him. 
Third — That the military should march out with their 
arms and all effects which they could carry. Fourth — 
That the vessel to be given them should be fully rigged 
and provisioned, the last to be paid for in France, 
the surplus to be cared for by the owners. Fifth — That 
no insult or violence should be done to anyone. Sixth — 
That the ship should be given up three days after the 
arrival of the French at Tadoussac, and that barks 
should be given to convey them to that port." Thus 
everything was satisfactorily settled and on the day fol- 
lowing, July 20, 1629, the three vessels in charge of 
Louis Kertk came to anchor near the shore. Cham- 
plain went on board to visit him, and having been well 
received, asked and obtained a sufficient number of sol- 
diers to guard the chapel and to protect the two relig- 
ious houses established by the Jesuits and Recollects 
from insult. Soon after, Kertk landed in Quebec, and 
took possession of the fort and stores. He was accom- 
panied at that time by one Le Baillif of Armines, who, 
together with three other Frenchmen, Stephen Brule 
of Champigni, Nicholas Marsolet of Rouen, and Peter 
Rave of Paris, had gone over to the enemy. After 
taking possession, the commandant refused to allow 
Champlain to leave his quarters, but permitted him to 
have Mass said there. He also furnished him with a 
complete inventory of everything found within the fort 
at the time that it changed hands. The English com- 
mander very naturally deemed it undesirable for the 
settlers who had established themselves in the colonv 
to leave as had been proposed by Champlain, and, to 
avoid any such move on their part, he made the most 
tempting offers to induce them to remain, assuring 
them that if at the end of the year they were still not 
satisfied, he would convey them, without expense, to 
France. FJnder these conditions, a majority of the peo- 
ple concluded to remain, being warned by Champlain, 
however, if at the end of that period the King had not 
reestablished his rights in that country, it would be 
wrong for them to continue any longer in a place 
where they would be deprived of the Sacraments and 
other spiritual succor. Everything having thus been 
satisfactorily arranged, Champlain left Quebec for 
Tadoussac on the 24th of July. It was on the voyage 
down to Tadoussac that the vessel in which Champlain 

was a passenger fell in with one commanded by Emery 
de Caen, who was on his way to Quebec. An engage- 
ment followed, in which the French were again defeated, 
de Caen surrendering to Thomas Kertk, the commander 
of the English vessel. Charlevoix informs us that in 
this particular engagement the French would undoubt- 
edly have been successful had it not been for a mistake 
made by de Caen. He, it seems, when on the point of 
victory, called out "Quarter" for the purpose of inducing 
the English to surrender without further contest. Kertk, 
on the other hand, understood the question to mean a 
desire on the part of the French to obtain it, and at 
once replied "Good Quarter." It was at this moment 
that Champlain came forward and also urged de Caen 
to accept the best terms possible, as the two consorts 
accompanying Kertk were now rapidly approaching. 
But for this error, it is probable that the French would 
have been enabled to return to Quebec, and reinvested 
themselves in those rights of which, through unmerited 
disaster, they had been deprived. Among those accom- 
panying the English expedition against the colonists, 
we are told that, in addition to the ones already men- 
tioned, who had proven traitors to their country, there 
was one James Michel 1 , a valiant Calvinist, who had 
been persistently earnest in his endeavors to induce 
the English to undertake the expedition. While this 
condition of affairs prevailed in the colony, peace had 
been declared between England and France, and news of 
the investment of Canada by the English therefore came 
to the King of France as a surprise, for he continued, 
until so informed, under the impression that Kertk had 
received orders not to proceed against the colonv, 
whereas he had already sailed before the definite ar- 
rangements for peace had been concluded. In the 
meantime, David Kertk paid his first visit to Quebec. 
which, he afterwards informed Champlain, he considered 
to be an admirable location. Matters, however, did not 
progress as favorably for Champlain and the Jesuits as 
had been anticipated, Admiral Kertk failing to prove as 
generous as had his brother Louis. Even the latter did 
not maintain his excellence of character to the last, and 
of this unfortunate change Champlain and his associates 
were made lamentably aware in the ill-treatment and 
many other inconveniences which they received at his 
hands. At this time, also, the man Michel, previously 
referred to as traitor and renegade, proved a thorn in 

(1). James or Jacques Michel. 

A native of Dieppe, This man was. as Father le Jeune expresses it. 
"one of a number of Huguenots who have thrown themselves upon this 
poor country, where they have done great damage, and have prevented 
the doing of much good." Father le Jeune again refers to him, saying. 
"This poor Jacques Ali.lirl. full of sadness at not having been rewarded 
as he desired by the English country, or by the renegade anglicized 
French — also a prey to conscience at having assisted these new English- 
men against his own countrymen— died suddenly some time after the sur- 
render of this country. He was buried at Tadoussac. I have learned here, 
that the savages exhumed his body, and showed it every imaginable 
indignity, tore it to pieces, and gave it to their dogs; but such are the 
wages of traitors. I prav i',m| thai He mav open the eves of the others." 
— Le Jeune's Relation, 1832. 


the side of the colonists, for he had led the English to 
believe that the Jesuits at least were extremely wealthy. 
The Kertks were under considerable obligations to this 
man for the success of the expedition, he being both a 
good sailor and brave soldier, but he was also avaricious, 
and from one cause or another soon began to exhibit 
considerable coolness towards the English, of whom he 
complained both loud and bitterly. He was also quite 
virulent and violent in his attacks upon the Jesuits and 
men of St. Malo. From this unhappy condition of mind, 
Champlain attempted to turn him, but to no avail, and it 
was after one of these protracted periods of frenzy that 
he at last fell in a lethargic swoon, in which condition lie 

David Kertk employed the rest of the summer 
months in repairing and refitting his little fleet, after 
accomplishing which, he, in September, set sail for home, 
arriving at Plymouth on the 20th of October. The out- 
come of his expedition proved anything but a financial 
success to this adventurous spirit, who had anticipated 
such great returns from the enterprise. The settlement 
arrived at between the two countries, however, had 
entirely changed the condition of affairs, and, as a result, 
he found himself a ruined man. 

It was a great blow to the French when they first 
learned of the invasion and investment of the colony by 
the English, although, aside from the question of honor 
involved, it is doubtful if it would have resulted in any 
particular loss to that nation. They became, therefore, 
rather conservative in their views regarding the reestab- 
lishment of the nation's rights in that country, believing 
that, on the whole, it would be better to improve the 
home country, keep her citizens there instead of dis- 
tributing them abroad, increase her own natural advan- 
tages for trade, and make use and turn to the best 
account the industries of her people. Others, of course, 
took just the opposite view, claiming that the climate of 
the colony, instead of being too severe as represented by 
some, moderated as the country became settled; that it 
was healthy, that the soil was exceedingly productive, 
and that with a limited amount of labor an excellent and 
comfortable living could be secured. It was also urged 
that the cod fisheries were a great wealth-producing 
source, requiring but slight outlay and providing an 
excellent school for sailors ; that the fur trade was another 
means to almost unlimited wealth ; that the forests, which 
covered the entire country, were among the finest in the 
world, and could be used to great advantage in the con- 
struction of vessels. That the colony had made such lit- 
tle progress since its first investment was shown to be 
due to the inadequacy and lack of interest shown 
by the numerous companies or associations in whose 
charge it had been given. Speaking of this, Champlain 

himself says: "While an association in a country like this 
holds the purse, it pays, gives and assists whom it 
pleases. Those who command for his majesty gain lit- 
tle obedience, having no one to assist except by the con- 
sent of the company's agents, who relish nothing as little 
as those placed there by the King (or viceroy), as not 
depending upon themselves, not desiring them to see 
and judge what they do, nor their conduct or action in 
such affairs; they wish to draw all to themselves; are 
careless of what happens provided they profit by it. They 
oppose forts and fortifications except when the moment 
of need comes, and then there is no time. When I spoke 
to them of fortifying, they thought it a grievance. In 
vain I showed them the evil consequences which might 
result; they were deaf; and all this was simply fear on 
their part that if a fort was built they would be mastered, 
and every law prescribed to them, and entertaining these 
thoughts, they left the country and as a prey to pirates 
or enemies. I wrote nothing to the gentlemen of the 
council. It needed someone to give orders, which never 
came; and if his majesty had only left trade free to the 
associations, to have their stores and clerks, while the 
rest of the men should be in full power of the King's 
lieutenant in the country, to employ them as he deemed 
necessary, either in his majesty's service or in fortifying 
or clearing the ground, so as to avoid famine, which 
might at any time happen if anything befell the ships — 
if this plan were adopted, more progress and advance 
would be seen in ten years than in thirty years by the 
course pursued." This and similar arguments pre- 
vailed upon King Louis, deciding him not to abandon 
the colony. There were motives of honor and religion 
to be considered in this matter, the paramount im- 
portance of which were made strikingly evident in the 
language and argument of Champlain than whom none 
were more pious or patriotic. With these arguments 
brought to bear upon him, therefore, the King imme- 
diately began negotiations for the recovery of Quebec 
from the British. To this end, we understand, Cham- 
plain endeavored to obtain a restoration through the 
French ambassador at London. After a delay of sev- 
eral weeks in that city, he, however, returned to France 
and brought the matter before the court. Another 
move in that direction was made by Richelieu, who, in 
November, 1629, ordered M. de Chateauneuf to press 
the demand; this the English refused to consider at 
that time, but in April, 1630, Chateauneuf was assured 
that all should be restored. Matters still dragged, how- 
ever, and so, to impress the urgency of immediate 
action upon the British, six vessels were fitted out and 
placed in charge of Commander de Razilly. This had 
a remarkably good effect, the court of England at once 
restoring the property without further dalliance. The 



treaty completing this arrangement was signed at St. 
Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632. This treaty restored 
to the French New France, Acadia and Canada, Port 
Royal, the fort of Quebec and Cape Breton being men- 
tioned as fortified places. The readiness with which 
the English acquiesced to the demands made by the 
French for the restoration of Acadia were undoubtedly 
largely due to the fact that up to that time they had 

done nothing towards the settlement of that colony. 
Another reason was, perhaps, owing to the fact that 
that territory lay at a considerable distance from New 
England, and that it was inadvisable for them to under- 
take the conduct of this new enterprise when so desira- 
ble a point as that already occupied by them needed all 
of their energies to strengthen and maintain. 

'..;.. ',,■....■ : 


Che Trench in Canada-Continued. 

the following year, assuming all of their former rights 
and privileges, and, in addition, the territory of Acadia 
was given to Commander de Razilly, upon the express 
condition, however, that he, without unnecessary delay, 
establish a colony there. In compliance with this under- 
standing, therefore, he within a short time established a 
small settlement at Port La Haive, a most desirable 
point of location, easy of access and in every way con- 
ditioned to effect the most excellent results throughout 
the peninsula. It was also' at about the same time that 
Champlain was reinvested by the king as governor of 
Xew France, for which place he immediately set forth 
with a valuable cargo and numerous following. With 
this party also went the missionary Fathers de Brebeuf 
and Masse. LJpon arriving at his destination, Cham- 
plain found a number of settlers who during his former 
residence there had lived under his dominion, and upon 
these, as well as those who came with him at this time, 
he impressed the necessity of concerted action, and 
avoidance, as far as possible, of those faults and mistakes 
which had in previous times had so much to do with the 
XIII. as his duly accredited representative to bear tidings troubles and distresses experienced by the colonists, 
of the treaty to Louis Kertk, and to attend personally to Having established himself, and arranged his imme- 

its immediate execution. One of the articles of the diate surroundings more to his liking, he then turned his 


uis Kertk is notified of the Treaty.— The French again take Posses- 
sion.— English Traders remain in the Colony.— Champlain again made 
Governor of New France.— His Arrival at Quebec— Efforts to Re- 
establish Friendly Relations with the Hurons.— The Missionary 
Field.— Management of Colonial Affairs in bad hands.— Plight of the 
Missionaries.— Result of English Rule upon the Natives.— The French 
are welcomed back.— Increase in Missionary Forces.— Protestants for- 
bidden the new Colony.— Champlain's Dream of Progress.— Mission- 
aries prepare to enter the Huron Country. — More Trouble. — Indian 
Duplicity.— Origin of the name Huron.— Extent of the Nation.— Lo- 
cation.— Country and Climate.— Champlain renews his Project. 
Tribes begin to Trade more freely.— Indian Compact with the Dutch. 
Detriment of this Undertaking to the French.— Hurons refuse to re- 
ceive the Missionaries.— More Uncertainty.— Missionaries obtain a 
Convoy.— Brutal Treatment by the Indians.— They reach the Indian 
Settlement and erect a Chapel.— Savage Character.— Missionary La- 
bors.— The Jesuits in Danger.— Indian Superstitions.— Death of a Sor- 
ing) HE new treaty between the English and French, 
*^ to which a somewhat extended reference was 
\&0m) mac ^ e nl tne preceding chapter, went into im- 
mediate effect, and as the de Caens had in all 
probability the largest interests at stake in the colony, 
one of them, Emery de Caen, was appointed by Louis 

treaty, it will be remembered, provided for the return to 
France of all effects found at Quebec, of which an inven- 
tory had been duly made by the investing party, and 
given by him to Champlain at the time of his surrender. 
In addition to the honor thus conferred upon de Caen 
by the king, his Majesty, desiring to award to him fitting 
remuneration for losses sustained by him during the war, 
surrendered to him the entire fur trade of the colonv 

attention to that most serious problem, of subjugating 
by friendly means, the Huron nation to his wishes. This 
he believed could be best and most satisfactorily effected 
by the means of religion, a proper inculcation of which 
would, to his mind, form a more indissoluble bond than 
any other measure which could be applied. Heretofore 
the efforts of the missionaries had been altogether of a 
preparatory character, in which they had endeavored to 

for the space of one year. Equipped, then, with abundant become acquainted with the characteristics of the people, 
authority and with every seeming possibility for recuper- to gain a familiar knowledge of their language, customs 
ating his wasted fortunes, he sailed for Quebec in April, and beliefs, and as far as possible ingratiate themselves 

1632, and upon his arrival there presented his credentials, 
on the strength of which Kertk immediately surrendered 
the property to him. The English, however, continued 
to maintain their relations with the Indians, bartering 
and trafficking with them in furs, which traffic was ex- 
pressly forbidden in the articles of understanding between 
the two countrie 
tion to de Caen. 

The French became more firmly established during non-committal and exceedingly hard to convert. This 


with them. Already had the persistent labors of the 
Recollect Fathers won a few to the cause, although quite 
a number had evinced a tendency towards the accept- 
ance of the Christian faith. In the same direction, Fathers 
de Brebeuf and de None had also labored faithfully and 
with no little success, but had come to the realization of 
, and proved a natural source of irrita- the fact, as had the Recollects, that the people, while 
willing to listen to their arguments, were to a great extent 


can scarcely be wondered at, for, while the Indians may of those who had previously contributed to their main- 
have been, and undoubtedly were, favorable and friendly tenance and support. Fortunately for the good of every- 
to the Fathers, the proposition was an entirely new one one, a new condition of affairs soon prevailed, a majority 
to them; and to ask them to at once accept everything of those previously interested in the colony and its ad- 
in good faith, exploding theories and overthrowing the vancement feeling in duty bound to place the Order in a 
dogmas under which they had lived and worshiped for a condition of absolute independence-, as far as their sup- 
lifetime, was asking too much of them. This condition port was concerned, and also to contribute to the further 
was intensified from the fact that, while they undoubtedly settlement of the country. This most necessary provision 
had the gift of reasoning to a liberal extent, their fears having been attended to, the Jesuit Fathers again went 
and vindictive natures and crude methods of drawing forth to the field of their former labors, the many trials 
deductions, coupled with excessive deliberation, or abso- and vicissitudes pertaining to which seeming rather to 
lute indifference, made it unlikely, if not impossible, for encourage than depress them in the work. At the outset, 
them to immediately accept so great a change as that however, their entire attention was given to the instruc- 
required of them. To carry out this plan of evangeliza- tion of the French settlers. About a year previous to the 
tion thoroughly then would require a long and exhaustive date last given, that is in 1632, almost directly after the 
course of treatment, during which those who applied English and French had come to an understanding 
this spiritual panacea to these savage hearts must live regarding the ownership of New France, and the Treaty 
among them, with them and become a very part of their of St. Germain had been signed, Fathers Paul de Jeune 
actual daily existence. It was only by such means that and Anne de Nouie sailed for Quebec. Here they found 
they could gain the confidence and respect of these peo- that a large portion of the labor effected by them during 
pie, without which all efforts, no matter how well inten- their previous residence at that place had virtually gone 
tioned, would be in vain. To accomplish this work, it to waste, as in almost every instance the few proselytes 
was also necessary that quite a number of earnest labor- at that time made in the neighborhood of Quebec had 
ers be placed in the field, and this was a contingency experienced a change in sentiment or grown negligent 
which alone was hard to provide for. in well-doing. Probably it was the latter that prevailed 
Although the colony had again fallen under the to a greater extent, as it was not long after their arrival 
domination of the company of New France, an organiza- that they had the satisfaction of bringing all these 
tion deemed on all hands as the best, most progressive recreants back to a proper condition of mind and realiza- 
and liberal minded, which had as yet been given charge tion of their duties as Christians. Perhaps another cause 
of these interests, there still cropped out from among the for this indifference is to be found in the fact that during 
members of the organization a sentiment of selfishness, their residence in Quebec the English had utterly failed 
which evolved into the belief that all efforts and ex- j n acquiring the good will of the Indians, and it was 
penses save those associated directly with the commercial sometime after the return of the French to the colony 
and pecuniary interests of the colony, should be curtailed, before the Hurons, who had ceased entirely from coming, 
or at least reduced to a minimum. Following this par- again began to regularly visit the settlement. 1 
ticular line of observation, the company was among other The advent of the English had for a fact given to the 
things led to believe that in a young and struggling col- Indians another view of the strange people who were 
ony, such as theirs, mendicant religious would prove gradually invading their possessions. They learned, for 
more of a burden than service, especially where it was one thing, that the liberties which they had formerly 
all the time practically impossible to obtain the bare enjoyed in their associations with the French, were not 
necessities of life. With this fact in view, strengthened acceptable to, neither would they be tolerated by these 
by unhappy results accruing from former experiences, others. Instead of the warm and friendly reception they 
the Recollect Fathers were not returned to the field of were accustomed to at the hands of the French, they 
their original labors. To this end, the king's advisors found themselves beaten and ignominiously driven from 
were also approached and induced to adopt a similar t i ie doors of their successors. A few such lessons, how- 
course of reasoning, and hence, for a brief period at ever, proved sufficient, the Indians withdrawing from all 
least, the devoted services of this Order were withheld communication with these unfriendly people. This con- 
from the colony. The Jesuits, also, were meeting with dition of affairs aided the missionaries to a great extent 
similar rebuffs, so that they were compelled to apply for j n regaining the confidence and friendship of the natives, 
whatever they might require to the head of their Order while they made no little use of the power thus obtained 
in France. To these unhappy conditions was also added nl inducing the Indians to accept the Christian faith, and 
the fact of their former few successes and enormous 
losses, which to a considerable extent cooled the ardor 

To the foregoing statement, Shea objects, from the fact that 1 


in attaching them still more firmly to the French nation. 
The spiritual force of the colony now consisted of Fathers 
le Jeune, de Nouie, de Brebeuf and Enemond Masse, to 
whom additions were made from time to time, until at 
the end of some fourteen or fifteen years there were fif- 
teen working missionaries and three or four lay brothers 
established in the settlement. The effect of having this 
little band of pious and zealous men in the colony was 
soon made evident, and as the creed of the settlers was 
a universal one, a general and most gratifying result was 
soon made apparent among them. 

Under the new regime, strict injunctions were issued 
by the Court of France that no Protestant should be 
allowed to enter or be received into the colony, which 
was, therefore, settled by none but those of the Catholic 
faith. Much care was also taken in the selection of desir- 
able parties for the purpose of populating the colony, 
which rigid restriction was continued for a number of 
years. While to some this move appeared a most arbi- 
trary and somewhat unnecessary course to pursue, it at 
least resulted in a source of inestimable comfort to the 
Rev. Fathers, who had undertaken and endured so much 
in behalf of religion, and who were in this manner aided 
to no little extent in bringing about a most desirable con- 
dition of affairs in the colony. To this most happy and 
satisfactory condition Shea, in his translation of Charle- 
voix, refers in the following- language: "The annual 
relations which we have of these happy times and the 
constant tradition preserved in the country both attest 
that there was an indescribable unction attached to this 
Indian mission, which made it preferred to many others 
indefinitely more brilliant and even more fruitful. This 
doubtless arose from the fact that not finding anything 
there, either to afford the comforts of life or to flatter 
vanity, the ordinary shoal of brilliant success, even in the 
holiest ministry — Grace worked without an obstacle. 
Moreover, the Lord, who never allows himself to be over- 
come in generosity, communicated himself unreservedly 
to men who sacrificed themselves without reserve; who, 
dead to all, entirely detached from themselves and the 
world, possessed their souls in unalterable peace, and 
were perfectly established in that spiritual childhood 
which Jesus Christ has recommended to his disciples as 
their most distinctive characteristic.'' Here was a vivid 
picture, indeed, of the pioneer Fathers in the New World. 
Of those who returned from the terrible trials and priva- 
tions to which they were subjected in their self-enforced 
labor, and of the dire effects which it had upon them 
physically, Charlevoix says: "I knew some of them in 
my youth, and found them as I have just depicted — bent 
beneath the labors of a long apostleship, and in bodies 
wasted by hardship and broken of age, preserving still 
all the vigor of the apostolic spirit." 

It had long been the dream and desire of Champlain 
to establish a settlement in the country of the Indians by 
means of which the friendly relations between the settlers 
and the tribes would not only be enhanced, but a far bet- 
ter opportunity afforded for impressing upon the minds 
of these people the value and efficacy of a thorough 
and consistent regard for the church and its teachings. 
Upon his return then to the settlement, he again revived 
the project. As an experiment, the Hurons were selected 
as of the best idolatrous nations among which to operate, 
owing to the extensiveness of the field, which their loca- 
tion as well as numerical strength furnished for the mis- 
sionaries. At his suggestion, then, several hundreds of 
these people came to Quebec and after being informed of 
the purpose of the undertaking gave at once their ready 
and unqualified assent to the proposed arrangement. But 
the Indian mind is vacillating and uncertain, and so it 
proved in this instance, for shortly after, and without 
giving any reason whatever for so sudden and unexpected 
a change, they came to the conclusion that the project 
must be dropped, stating as their only reason for so 
doing that they had no desire of imperiling their rights 
or fettering their liberty. In spite of the unfriendly posi- 
tion assumed by the Indians, Champlain insisted on 
carrying out the original plan, and to that end, together 
with Father le Jeune, at that time superior of the mis- 
sion, effected all necessary arrangements for the trans- 
portation of Fathers de Brebeuf and de Nouie, who had 
been allotted to the task of locating and laboring among 
the Indians. At this time, when the indifference and un- 
friendliness of the natives had to a certain extent been 
overcome, and arrangements completed for the accept- 
ance and transportation of the missionaries by them, an 
incident occurred which threatened the overthrow of the 
entire enterprise. A Frenchman had been murdered by 
an Algonquin, and it was deemed advisable by Cham- 
plain to make an example of the transgressor that would 
act as a lasting warning to the Indians in all their after 
dealings with the settlers. To this proposed course of 
action on the part of Champlain, the Indians readily 
acquiesced, expressing, indeed, as their unqualified 
opinion, that, to prevent such crimes, culprits must be 
unhesitatingly and summarily punished. With their 
usual inconsistency, however, when it came to putting 
into effect this proposed discipline, they assumed an en- 
tirely different and unexpected attitude. Waiting, then, 
until the last moment, and when about to take their 
departure for their home in the interior of the country, 
one of the chiefs informed Champlain that no missionary 
or Frenchman would be allowed to accompany the party 
unless the murderer was released and permitted to go 
with them. Here, of course, all arguments proved un- 
availing, and although readily admitting that the assassin 



merited death, he said, "But the relatives, friends, all the 
youth of this man's village, have demanded him back 
from us, and they await us at the passage in the hope 
that we will restore him to their hand. If their expecta- 
tion is defeated, and they perceive any Frenchmen among 
us, they will, without fail, fall upon us, and we cannot 
withdraw them from the fury of the tribe without being- 
involved in a combat which will turn our allies into 
enemies. We cannot even answer for the result, and 
what grief we shall feel if we see those confided to our 
care slaughtered before our eyes and in our very arms." 
The French endeavored by all available means to 
diminish or set at rest the real or pretended fears of this 
chief, but without having the slightest effect upon him. 
Before the willingness expressed on the part of others 
of the tribe to arm, all responsibility failed in obtaining 
from him the slightest concession, his determination both 
lasting and emphatic being that no Frenchman should 
embark with the party until the prisoner had been re- 
leased. This determined attitude on the part of the 
Huron chief convinced Champlain that he was acting in 
connection with, or at least in behalf of the Algonquins, 
and, therefore, concluded that under such circumstances 
it would not only be unwise to release the murderer, but 
foolish and imprudent to venture the lives of the French- 
men by sending them into an almost entirely unknown 
country, and among a treacherous and dangerous class 
of people at such a time. "The conduct of this Huron 
chief," says Champlain, "portrays well the character of 
this nation, the ablest of all in Canada, but against whom 
we must always be on our guard. They carried the 
simulation to the excess not easily believed if it had not 
been experienced. This trait had contributed to make it 
feared and respected by other Indians, as much as its in- 
dustry, its readiness, inexpedience and resource, its elo- 
quence and its bravery. In one word, it is of all the 
continent the nation distinguished by most defects and 
most good qualities." 

Regarding the name Huron, there are many con- 
flicting opinions, even among writers most thoroughly 
conversant with the subject. By Champlain, the people 
of this nation were designated Ochasteguins, from a chief 
of that name. This, another authority insists, is wrong, 
his opinion being that Champlain had confounded the 
Hurons with the Iroquois, taking them all to be of one 
nation, owing to the marked similarity in their languages. 
Champlain has it, that their real name is Yendat, Wendat, 
or Wyandott as they are commonly called at the present 
time. The name Huron as applied to them, however, 
was derived from the French, who, upon first seeing 
them and noting the fierce and bristling manner in which 
their hair was dressed, exclaimed: "Quelle hures!" (what 
boars' heads), and so came to call them Hurons. The 

Jesuit Relations of 1639 describe this nation as consisting 
of two towns or tribes, the Attignawantan and the Attig- 
neenongnahac, which called each other brother and 
sister. These in the course of time adopted two others: 
the Arendahrononons and Tohontaenrat. In his writings 
of these people, Sagard refers to the former tribe, calling 
them Enarhonon or Renarhonon. On this point, as in 
fact in everything connected with the origin and progress 
of the nation, there can never be an absolute certainty, 
even the old men or elders of the tribes varying con- 
siderably in their accounts and opinions as given to 
the missionaries. The nation of the Hurons, however, 
it is shown, became vigorous and extensive beyond all 
others in that territory, which condition was in all proba- 
bility owing to the fact of their adoption or assimilation 
of other and continguous nations. Thus, by acting and 
working together, they emphasized the truth of the apho- 
rism, that 'unity is strength,' and, though numerically 
far smaller than the Algonquins, they carried more force 
with them, the latter being far behind their energetic 
neighbors in conduct and management of general as well 
as tribal affairs. The tribes, however, forming the great 
Huron nation, preserved at least a portion of their orig- 
inal personality by maintaining their primitive names, in 
addition to which they also took the generic name. The 
two spoke the same language, that is, with but very 
little or an almost unnoticeable difference. An exception 
to the latter statement may perhaps be observed in be- 
half of one tribe, the Ontaouonones, which name means, 
those who speak the best language. Charlevoix says: 
. "This uniformity of language would even lead us to 
infer that the confederation or adoption of this tribe had 
only recalled them to their primitive stock; while the 
Iroquois and Andastouez, 1 who are certainly of the same 
stock, having never united after their separation, have 
also much more altered their languages, which are evi- 
dently Huron dialects, which I have elsewhere remarked. 
I have also spoken in the same place of the division, not 
only of the whole nation, but also of each canton or 
town in the three principal families; I content myself 
with remarking here, that the uniformity on this point, 
which prevailed throughout the whole nation, and thus 
sprung from it, at the time of the discovery of Canada, 
is a proof that if the three families are not branches of 
the same stem, their union is at least of very high 
antiquity, and dates anterior to the separation of the 
Iroquois and Hurons." 

The territory in which the Hurons dwelt in the begin- 
ning of the seventeenth century was bounded on the 
south by Lake Erie, on the east by Lake Ontario and on 
the west by Lake Huron. The extent of this territory 

(1). These people 


is given by Father Lalemont as being 20 or 25 leagues 
long by 7 or 8 wide. Father de Brebeuf says: "It is not 
large; its longest extent may be traversed in three or 
four days." At this time the entire nation comprised 
between forty and fifty thousand souls, who occupied 
quite a number of towns scattered throughout this do- 
main. The number of people given, however, by no means 
represented the strength of this great nation in its earlier 
days, and before it had become greatly diminished by its 
long protracted wars with the Iroquois. The character 
of the country in which this people lived was varying in 
the extreme, some of it being of a most fertile character. 
The greater portion, however, may be said to have been 
below the medium in this respect. However, there was no 
doubt that on an average, if fairly well populated with 
industrious people, it would easily have given sufficient 
returns for the comfort and support of the inhabitants. 
The climate was also noted as being remarkably healthy, 
for, while a few of the settlers suffered considerably from 
hunger and other conditions incident to the times, none 
died of disease, and but few, if any, suffered from any 
more than the most ordinary ills. Of the character of 
the country, we are told that there were extensive prai- 
ries suitable for cultivation, and raising of all kinds of 
grains. Forests were also abundant and full of magnifi- 
cent trees, especially cedars, which were generally of 
remarkable size and height. The country, too, was well 
irrigated and the character of the water good. It was 
during this time, too, that the discovery of stones is men- 
tioned "which melt like metal and have some veins of 
silver," but at that time but little credence, or rather 
attention, was given to the matter. The early settlers 
also spoke of two remarkable animals discovered in that 
country, one which they referred to as a bird that mews 
like a cat (the cat bird), and the other a kind of hare 
that sings like a bird and has a very delicate flesh (the 
wood chuck). 

The unfortunate differences which arose between the 
party of Hurons and Champlain at the time when ar- 
rangements had been fully completed for the transporta- 
tion of missionaries into the Huron country, by nc 
means abated the desire on the part of the governor for 
the completion and carrying out of this idea. His firm- 
ness in this particular was emphasized by many strong 
and practical reasons, among which was his belief that 
the extra intelligence exhibited by this particular people, 
fitted them better in every respct for the reception of the 
Christian doctrines. By planting missionaries in their 
midst, he also hoped to prepare the way for a permanent 
settlement in their country, which would thus enhance 
the possibilities for increasing a most advantageous trade 
made doubly easy by the facilities for transportation 
afforded bv a chain of lakes that almost encircled that 

entire section of the country to the extreme limits of 
North America. The project was a grand as well as wise 
one, and if carried to the full extent would have doubtless 
proved a wonderful blessing, both from a religious and 
commercial standpoint, to all of the parties concerned. 
Unfortunately, however, for the entire settlement, the in- 
ceptor of this grand and practical scheme was removed 
at the very time when his experience, forethought and 
energy were most needed, and those into whose hands the 
reins of government fell were careless as to the result, or 
inadequate to the task put upon them until the golden 
opportunity had slipped from their grasp, and it had 
become altogether too late to enable the Huron nation 
to regain its former strength and prestige, as well as that 
superiority in arms which the Iroquois had to no little 
extent already acquired over them. 

From their view of the surroundings, the missionaries 
had also become convinced that it would be wise for 
them to establish their mission in the midst of the Huron 
country, which was then in the center of Canada, from 
which point all others would be more readily accessible, 
thus enabling them to carry the gospel, without discrim- 
ination, to all parts of the continent. The idea was well 
devised and the plan would undoubtedly have been car- 
ried to a successful issue had the one as suggested by 
Champlain been followed. Affairs, in fact, had taken on 
a most satisfactory look and condition; quite a number 
of the nations had begun to trade with the French, the 
Montagnez below Quebec, the Algonquins above, and 
from the island formed by the Ottawa River above 
Montreal and the remainder, the Nipissings, who dwelt 
around a lake by that name, and lastly, the Ottawas, who 
dwelt at various points along the river of which they 
claimed control to such an extent that they demanded 
toll on all canoes ascending or descending that stream. 
It remained, then, for the government to establish satis- 
factory and friendly relations with the Iroquois, which 
done, the balance of the task undertaken would have 
been accomplished with comparative ease. "A few men,"' 
says Charlevoix, "maintained in the Huron country, with 
three or four forts, would have been sufficient to impress 
upon the minds of these Indians enough of the strength 
and resources of France to impose the law upon them or 
at least turn the scale in favor of their antagonists, who 
were the allies of France, but the necessity was not per- 
ceived until it was too late." Historian Shea differs from 
this opinion of Charlevoix, stating as his belief that a 
simpler way out of the difficulty would have been for 
France to take possession of New Netherland as the 
English subsequently did. That once accomplished, the 
Iroquois, who were then entirely dependent upon the 
French for trade, would have had to come to satisfactory 
terms. Then too, it should have been born in mind, that 


Canada — a long valley — presented no natural strength 
with which to oppose the ingress of a determined foe. 
For this reason alone, then, if for no other, the possession 
of New York was essential. At this particular time, too, 
the opportunity for making terms with the Iroquois was 
far better than at a later date and before they had formed 
associations with the Dutch, with whom the Mohawks 
made their first treaty at Norman's Kill in 1618. Three 
years later these Indians obtained fire arms from that 
source, and were thenceforth practically independent. 

Champlain's attempt then having for a time mis- 
carried, the missionaries awaited with considerable 
anxiety and patience for the return of a number of the 
Indians, who had promised to come after them. The 
promise was in part fulfilled, but the number of Indians 
who came was so small, and their equipment so meager 
and unsatisfactory, that it at once made itself evident to 
the missionaries, as well as to the governor, that their 
intentions were not strictly in conformance with their 
former pledges. As evidenced by their actions on nu- 
merous previous occasions, their intention was undoubt- 
edly to furnish some plausible excuse for their non- 
compliance with the pledges given. Nor had they been 
long at the settlement before this was shown to be the 
case in the somewhat confused and numerous excuses 
offered bv them when the subject was brought to mind. 
As one reason in particular, they urged the fact that their 
journey down had been a long and tedious one, that they 
had become fatigued and exhausted in their efforts to 
get there, and were scarcely in condition to make the 
return with their canoes empty, let alone the unwonted 
exertions it would require should they be loaded down 
with the additional weight of the missionaries and their 
belongings. From this determination nothing whatever 
would turn them, not even the continued pleadings of 
the Fathers, whose great desire to reach their destination 
and begin their life's labors caused them to offer to em- 
bark without baggage, or additional weight which might 
in any way prove irksome or burdensome to the Indians, 
excepting their chapel service. In addition to this, they 
offered to perform any of the duties necessary to assist 
the Indians on their return, to paddle for them and to aid 
them in carrying their burdens. To all of these friendly 
advances, however, the Hurons offered a stubborn and 
persistent refusal, and it was not until after much delay 
had been experienced and handsome presents made, that 
they were induced to reconskler their determination and 
agreed to give place among their party to Fathers de 
Brebeuf and Daniels and one servant. This, however, 
marked the limit of their concessions, so that Father 
Davost. who was also to have been one of the party, was 
compelled to await another and more- favorable oppor- 

tunity. Nor was the delay thus caused of protracted 
duration, as within a few days he made arrangements 
with another party of Hurons, more recent arrivals at 
Three Rivers, to carry him to his destination. In this 
journey Father Davost was attended by two Frenchmen. 
It was during the latter part of August that the good 
priest and his companions arrived at the place of their 
proposed location, where Fathers de Brebeuf and Daniels 
had established themselves some three weeks previously. 
Of the journey, all had but the most unpleasant mem- 
ories to cite, as the Indians who accompanied them had 
during the entire time proved most surly and morose, 
failing entirely in pity at the sickness and suffering ex- 
perienced by the missionaries, and enforcing to the ut- 
most all of the promises made by them. Thus, though 
but little used to such violent and toilsome exertion, they 
were compelled to assist in paddling the canoes, an exer- 
cise both painful and exhausting when attempted by a 
tyro for any length of time. But even this was not the 
worst, for there were times during that journey when 
their lives were in deadly peril, or the best they could 
hope for was to be left stranded in the wilderness unaided 
by guide to direct them, and without food with which to 
sustain their physical needs. It was under such unfavor- 
able conditions as these, which certainly indicated little 
that would prove beneficial to their interests, that the 
missionaries began their spiritual labors among the 
Huron nation. True it is, that a majority of these people 
extended to them a certain rude and uncouth courtesy, 
but even that detracted but slightly from the general 
unpleasantness and absolute horror of the surroundings. 
Thus, encompassed by a capricious and ferocious people, 
whose every act and characteristic was at variance with 
those to which the missionaries had at all times been 
accustomed, these good men were compelled to live and 
suffer. They therefore took up their residence in one of 
the Indian towns, Ihouhatiri or Ihonatiria by name, 
where they at once began the erection of a little chapel 
which, when completed, was dedicated to St. Joseph, the 
name which was also given by them to the town itself. 
For the first twelve months succeeding their arrival in 
this Huron village, the work was exceedingly laborious 
whilst the result of their continuous efforts was of a most 
meager and disheartening character. They, however, 
were made happy by the baptism of a few adults and the 
assurance of the eternal welfare of a number of children 
upon whom the Holy Sacrament of Baptism had been 
conferred. The principal trouble which confronted them 
in their dealings with the adults arose from their adsolute 
indifference rather than from any innate dislike for the 
principles of religion, or confirmed disbelief in its prin- 
ciples and teachings. A savage, then, may often be most 


correctly judged by contraries, or as Champlain would 
say: "He must not be regarded as convinced as soon as 
he seems to approve the statements made him, because, 
in general, they dislike nothing so much as disputes.'' 
It would, therefore, seem, following out this and similar 
lines of argument, that on many occasions, dominated 
bv their mere complacency, interested motive, or down- 
right indolence and sloth, they ofttimes exhibit every 
mark of interested conviction in matters to which they 
had not given the slightest attention, or even understood. 
That they were erratic and inconsistent to an unusual 
degree is further emphasized by the fact that they have 
been known to frequent churches for years, exhibiting 
all of those traits consistent with an assiduous desire for 
improvement, modest deportment and reverential con- 
cern, and then without cause or warning have turned to 
the astounded missionary, who believed he had obtained 
in each an honest and earnest convert, and said: "Thou 
hadst no one to pray with thee. I took pity on thy lone- 
liness and wished to keep thee company ; now that others 
are inclined to render thee the same service, I retire." 
Here, then, were men who openly acknowledged that in 
order to please the missionary, or give satisfaction or 
comfort to him in his loneliness, they had willingly and 
unhesitatingly received Baptism and fulfilled with seem- 
ing edification, all of the duties pertaining to a consistent 
Christian life. The yoke, however, was certainly not a 
too burdensome one as evidenced in the ease with which 
it was cast aside. It must not be judged, however, from 
these peculiar actions on the part of the Indians, that 
they were entirely without belief in the story of the true 
religion as told to them by the missionaries. In fact, it 
has not unfrequentlv proved to be the case that a positive 
refusal on their part to submit to the dictates of the 
Church was by no means an evidence of their insincerity 
or want of belief. Others there were who, while readily 
admitting that they had no farther doubt as to the right 
of the faith as presented to them, would not for one 
moment entertain the idea of being converted. Obdurate 
and obstinate they were to a marked degree ; yet even not 
more so, if as much, as many have proved who have 
been gifted with the advantages of Christian birth and 
training. Neither coidd they be said to be altogether 
indifferent even if obstinate, as is plainly illustrated in 
the case of an Iroquois. While lying upon his death bed, 
some fire fell upon the robe which covered him; others 
at once rushed forward to extinguish the flame, seeing 
which he said, "It is not worth while. I know that I 
shall burn for all eternity; whether it begins a little 
sooner or a little later, is not worth all the trouble you 
are taking." It was a long time, however, after the advent 
of the first missionaries among these people before thev 
were given to making such admissions as these, and even 

then at but rare intervals. The work of educating the 
Indians was therefore exceedingly slow and laborious, 
their every act and thought being environed by a mass 
of superstitions which had accrued to them through a 
period which compassed many generations. It was first, 
then, the aim of the missionaries to penetrate this horri- 
ble mental darkness which enveloped and overshadowed 
every attribute of manliness or instinct of progressiveness 
pertaining to these people. It was like, or even worse 
than taking a savage animal of brutish tendencies and 
endeavoring to inculcate into it the ways of domestic 
life; for here, in addition to inbred cruelty, his predom- 
inating characteristic was the alertness of a higher con- 
dition of creation. An active mind full of subtile thoughts 
animated by the lowest passions and held subservient by 
deplorable and uncontrollable superstitions. As the light 
of intelligence dawned upon these unhappy people, the 
patient missionaries began to see an appreciable and 
satisfactory result for their manifold and unceasing 
labors. They had succeeded in drawing these people 
as a creature from its lair; had inducted new ideas into 
their mental system; had led them to overcome to a cer- 
tain extent their groveling superstitions; had taught 
them to branch out, to think for themselves on other and 
different lines from those which they were wont to fol- 
low, and impelled them to work upon arguments not 
always favorable to their old-time customers and sophis- 
tries. Like children of our own times, the Indians often 
asked questions which were hard and almost impossible 
to answer. While, were the answers given, it was neces- 
sary to do so with utmost caution for fear that misunder- 
standing's might arise. "You told us fine stores," said a 
Huron to Father de Brebeuf, "and there's nothing in 
what you say that might not be true; but that is good 
for you who come across the sea. Do you not see that, 
as we inhabit a world so different from yours, there must 
be another heaven for us and another road to reach it?" 
Here, then, they stood, and here the missionary met with 
his greatest difficulty, for the Indian was guided largely 
in his acts and beliefs by omens or what might be called 
actual demonstration. Everything which occurred, 
everything that he saw had some element of interest to 
him as directly pointing towards and acting upon his 
destinv. It was to the strengthening and confirming of 
such beliefs inculcated into him from earliest childhood 
that the medicine man devoted his most seductive arts. 
This position was in fact a sinecure, which none knew 
better than the wretched charlatans who, while boasting 
their equality with the gods, trembled in their miserable 
skins for fear that their supremacy was endangered by 
the advent of the Christians among them. They were 
wary, in fact, of competition and fought it with hatred 
and determination, in which they were largely abetted by 


the all-pervading and overwhelming- superstition of the 
people. As a means to effecting this end, they endeav- 
ored in every way possible to cast suspicion upon every- 
thing said or done by the missionary Fathers. Motives 
were impugned, prayers and religious rites were por- 
trayed as witchcraft, and so plausible indeed did these 
miscreants make their arguments, and so covert and 
subtile were their allusions that the missionaries found it 
necessary to say their breviary and perform their other 
devotions in secrecy and alone. The surrounding con- 
ditions of that particular period also had much to do in 
strengthening these convictions, all of which were more 
or less derogatory to the missionaries and their presence 
among them. 

To these beliefs the Hurons were all too readily per- 
suaded, their very condition seeming to warrant them in 
their conclusions. They had, in fact, become greatly 
reduced from their former flourishing condition, and now 
weakened and almost powerless, feared to assume an 
actively aggressive attitude towards their enemies, the 
Iroquois, whom previously they had been wont to seek 
out in their own territory. In addition to this, they were 
becoming fast depleted in numbers through the inroads 
of a terrible disease which had set its seal upon them. 
These untoward and depressing conditions, together with 
the artful representations of the sorcerers and medicine 
men, strengthened, though they did not confirm entirely, 
the Hurons in their belief that the. presence of the mis- 
sionary Fathers among them was a menace to their wel- 
fare and the crowning evil to their deplorable condition. 
They believed that there was a God of the Christians, 
whose influence, however, instead of doing them good, 
could only work evil to the weaker ones, in whom the 
Indian rested his belief. Indeed, as one remarked, 
"Every nation has its gods; our misfortune is to have 
gods weaker than yours, and unable to prevent our 
destruction." To cure them of this dangerous belief, 
which had become still farther emphasized by a prevail- 
ing drouth which threatened the entire country with a 
general famine, Father de Brebeuf made a direct appeal 
to God, which he informed his superior in a subsequent 
communication was soon after answered with an abun- 
dant rain. Still another similar instance is quoted by him 
at a later date. This had the effect of arresting the 
attention of the Indians, quieting their fears for the time, 
and might perhaps have proved of lasting benefit to the 
missionaries, had not other untoward circumstances 
arisen, which in the unhappy results accruing entirely 
overshadowed the benefits already derived from these 
seemingly miraculous occurrences. It was noticed by 
these people that a number of children, who, suffering 
from a fatal illness, had been baptised, died soon after- 
wards, and this in their bigotry and prejudice led them 

to believe that the Sacrament of Baptism was used as a 
spell by the priests for the purpose of bringing about 
their destruction. Fortunately, there were a few instances 
where people who had been given up as incurable recov- 
ered perfect health under the gentle and zealous minis- 
tration of these Fathers, a change for the better happen- 
ing to occur soon after they had received the sacrament 
of regeneration. These remarkable occurrences led the 
savages, for the time being, to exhibit a more friendly 
feeling and kindly consideration for the missionaries. But 
even then the good impression made upon them was 
soon lost and forgotten, owing to the endless and per- 
verting spells which were cast upon them by the medi- 
cine man. Sometimes, as one writer upon this subject 
has assured us, "the profound ignorance of these sav- 
ages, which made them so frequently attribute to super- 
natural causes many things in which there was nothing 
to exceed the powers of nature, led them to the opposite 
extreme; as happens to those who have fear of being 
overcredulous, rush into an incredulity that reason itself 
disavows. But these changes in minds arraying them- 
selves irrationally, and with no certain rule, against reli- 
gion, w r ere not frequent among a people who are little 
for what does not strike the senses ; and the troubles and 
disgust of the apostolical laborers arose almost always 
from their excessive credulity." Thus every act, no mat- 
ter how unconsciously performed, by the missionaries, 
which in any of its details was new to the savage under- 
standing, or any instrument or article seen in their pos- 
session in the uses and purposes of which he was not 
thoroughly conversant and well informed, was regarded 
by him askance, as a means or medium to be used for his 
injury and destruction. Thus it devolved upon the mis- 
sionaries to keep all such articles, implements or uten- 
sils under lock and key, or hidden away from the view 
of these people. For this reason, we are told, the Fathers 
were compelled to keep in hiding a clock and weather- 
cock, the former of which the Indians believed brought 
death, whilst the other was certain to assure bad weather. 
In this most unfruitful field, however, the three mission- 
aries continued to labor with unabating zeal, making 
light of fatigue and the general horror of their sur- 
roundings, ignoring the many unnecessary brutalities 
which were thrust upon them, and in every way possible . 
exerting themselves that they might become better 
acquainted with the characteristics and peculiarities of the 
Indians — the only remuneration or recompense for which 
they looked or hoped being the regeneration of these 
people and their conversion to the true faith. Nor in 
spite of all their exertions did times or conditions im- 
prove. One day, after they had been located among the 
Indians for a considerable time, Father de Brebeuf was 
called before a Council of the Elders, whose reception of 


him convinced him that his life was in imminent peril. ther, they went so far as to allude to them as men of per- 
In unmeasured terms he was berated and reproached for nicious habits, who wrought trouble and spread desola- 
the many evils and discomforts that had of late fallen tion wherever they went, for which reason they had been 
upon the Huron nation, and which they claimed had all driven from Holland. Fortunately for the good Fathers. 
come to them since the arrival of his party in their midst, there was an undercurrent of feeling working among the 
The generally unhappy condition of the people, the lim- Hurons, many of the more thoughtful and intelligent 
ited supplies of food, the threatened drouth, encroach- among them beginning to realize that it might be far 
ments of disease, were all in fact charged as the direct better for them to be less impulsive and to judge rather 
result of witchcraft wrought by him and his associates, from what they saw than by what they heard. They even 
Even in this perilous condition he was not dismayed, went so far as to make a study of the habits and char- 
but without fear or hesitation stoutly denied the charges acteristics of the missionaries, which resulted in estab- 
made against him and at once diverged into a lengthy lishing an impression quite favorable to them and to the 
and thorough explanation of the principles of Chris- work they had undertaken. Here the march of progress 
tianity. That they had suffered to a great extent, he was took a steadily upward turn, the Indians awakening as it 
ready to admit, but that those sufferings had come to were to the belief that through the mediation and exer- 
them as a result of witchcraft he denied, still asserting, tions of the Fathers were to be accomplished great and 
however, that it was more likely that these conditions lasting good for the Huron nation. It was now that a 
had been dealt out to them as strokes of justice by the number of the most highly esteemed among the tribes 
God whom he represented — that the God he worshiped declared openly in favor of the Christian religion. This 
was a jealous God, who punished in this manner their awakened interest in the work; an evidence that their 
hesitancy in acknowledging him as the one Supreme labors had proved far from futile came like a lasting bene- 
Being. Thus he ably wrought upon them, showing thai diction to the holy men, who had already unmurmuringly 
how in the perfect ignorance which had maintained suffered so much for the advancement of the cause. With 
among them previous to the introduction of the teachings renewed energy, therefore, they continued to instruct the 
of the Church, there might have been both reason and savages in the faith, doing everything in their power to 
excuse for their unbelief. Now, however, conditions were strengthen and increase such feelings of reliance as the 
all changed; they could no longer hide behind the cloak Indians had evinced towards them and their teachings, 
of ignorance, or even indifference, for they had already Of their feelings towards the missionaries at this time, 
admitted their belief of the existence of this God and in Charlevoix writes: "Three things especially tended to 
his power. This method of subduing them proved sue- free the Hurons from prejudice, and arm them against 
cessful for the time at least, and when he paused in his the seduction which had so long kept them in error, 
discourse to them, many of the Indians begged for fur- In the first place, they made solid reflections on the 
ther instructions in the Christian religion, but his sur- sanctity of the religion preached to them, and on the 
prise — and he was surprised at the result of his efforts — purity of its moral code. The missionaries were extremely 
was intensified when, on leaving the Council Chamber, he surprised to hear them express themselves on these two 
saw one who had always been most active and defiant in points, as men who had overlooked none of the maxims 
declaring against the missionaries and their religion and principles of Christianity, but saw clearly the con- 
tomahawked at his very side. The victim, he was told, necton between these principles and the consequences 
was a sorcerer, of whom it was deemed time to free the which their instructors deduced from them. In the second 
village. The determined stand taken by Father de Bre- place, they soon conceived a high idea of these religious 
beuf at this time resulted in a decidedly better condition men, and never wearied in admiring their ability, pru- 
of affairs, which it was hoped would be lasting in effect, dence and the justness and force of their arguments. The 
It was not to be, however; hardly had the missionaries great examples of virtue which they saw them practice, 
become possessed of the idea that they had already made still greater impression on them. They were 
effected a satisfactory inroad upon the superstitions of especially struck with their courage and disinterestedness 
the savages, than an event occurred which caused the and with their contempt of life. It did not seem reason- 
vexatious conditions previously prevailing to become able to believe that such men were mistaken in the affair 
more strikingly apparent than ever. It seems that other of religion. In the third place, they agreed that one must 
elements besides those existing among the Indians were have lost all sense to imagine that men who had no 
arrayed against them, for upon the return of a number interest in leading them into error would, merely to do 
of the tribe from Manhattan they stated that the it, have undertaken such long voyages, run such risks, 
Europeans located at that point had warned them against expose themselves to so much hardship, exile them- 
the missionaries and their religious teachings; nay, fur- selves so far from friends and kindred to spend their days 



with unknown tribes and remain there in spite of the cold 
welcome they had received and the manner in which they 
continued to be treated. These reflections, made at first 
only by a few individuals less rooted in prejudice, soon 
spread to the masses, and suddenly changed the face of 
affairs; but the missionaries had yet another reason for 
acting cautiously with this people, and not receiving into 
the number of neophytes all who presented themselves. 

"This was the reluctance which most evinced to 
renounce practices, indifferent in themselves, but sus- 
pected by the missionaries as not exempt from super- 
stition. These Indians in vain protested that they did not 
acknowledge anything supernatural in them. All appeared 
suspicious in a dissembling nation, borne by an almost 
irresistible bent to attribute everything to spirits. After 
all, laudable as mistrust and strictness are in this matter, 
they should not be excessive. Missionaries afterwards 
admitted that they had carried their precautions some- 
what too far, and had thus retarded the work of God.'' 

The same character of work at that time effected by 
the Reverend Fathers in the Huron country was also 
being carried out at Three Rivers, which by this time had 
begun to assume the dignity of a rendezvous for the 
northern nations dwelling in the neighborhood of Quebec 
and at Tadoussac, and was used as a means for enlight- 
ening for the cause of religion the Algonquins, Montag- 
nez and other tribes with whom the French had dealings 
or relations. Among these people, too, the same condi- 
tions may be said to have prevailed, the labors of the mis- 
sionaries at first bearing but few, if any, results of a de- 
sirable nature, while the stoical attitude of the natives as 
a whole was marked and unappreciative to a degree. 

The only difference to be found was in the individual 
characteristics of the people, for with all a terrible in- 
cubus of superstition prevailed, numbing the intellect and 
making it absolutely irresponsive and unaffected by the 
teachings of the missionaries. With one tribe, then, would 
be found excessive rudeness combined with marked sim- 
plicity; in some docility of heart leashed to a mind of ada- 
mant, while in others an abnormal condition of extrava- 
gance would stand forth preeminent. Another difficulty 
prevailing, especially with the Algonquins, was the no- 
madic character of the life led by them, which prevented 
any reliance being placed on individuals, some of whom 
would absent themselves from the settlement or village 
for months at a time, and thus lose the benefit of what 
little effect religious training may, up to that time, have 
had upon them. There were also other marked differ- 
ences between the people of the Algonquins and Huron 
tribes. With the latter, we are told, were to be found 
hearts more rebellious, but a firm and consistent endur- 
ance in well-doing when the teachings of religion had 
once been accepted. Among the others, you would be 
sure to find pliant natures, which were more easily sub- 
dued ; but with these unfortunately there was also less de- 
termination and a more limited conception of the duties 
of adherence. Both, then, were susceptible to religious 
training and many, as history has shown us, have em- 
braced the faith with confidence and reliance, and adhered 
to it with a steadfastness of unquestioned and enduring 
power; but this condition, be it remembered, was only 
arrived at after years of toilsome labor and many noble 
lives had been sacrificed to the cause. 


Cbe Trench in Canada-continued. 


Noticeable Improvement.— A College at Quebec— Death of Cham- 
plain.— Effects of Educational Advantages upon the People.— Mont- 
magny becomes Governor.— Indian School for Boys.— Father Daniels 
Returns to Quebec. --Progression Retarded.— Bad Effect upon the 
Indians.— The Iroquois become Aggressive.— Their Treachery towards 
the Hurons.— A Menace to the Settlement.— An Indian Treaty.— Open 
Hostilities towards the French.— Missionary Force Increased.— An 
Epidemic and its Consequences.— But few French Succumb.— Awful 
Mortality among the Indians.— The Missionaries as Nurses.— A Point 
Gained.— The Indians Convinced.— Benevolent Institutions.— De Sil- 
lery's Great Work.— The Indian Town.— Its First Occupants.— Effect 
of Religious Life upon the Indians.— Moral Responsibility.— Talk of 
a School.— The Movement in France. — Patroness of a Hospital.— 
Hospital Nuns of Dieppe.— Mme. de la Peltrie and the School.— An 
Ursuline Convent at Quebec. — A New Superior-General for the Mis- 
sions.— Arrival of the Sisters at Quebec— General Rejoicing.— Small- 
pox at the Ursuline Convent.— The Epidemic spreads.— The Com- 
pany again at Fault.— A Laborious Undertaking.— Fresh Hostilities. 
—The first Iroquois Convert. 

»HILE the good Fathers were devoting their 
Ijy entire energies to the cause of religion among 
the aborigines, the interests of the colony, 
both spiritual and temporal, were progress- 
with pleasing certainty. To augment these happy 
conditions, there was at this time (1635) established 
among the settlers an institution which undoubtedly 
aided much in the general prosperity of New France. 
This was brought about by Rene Rohault, who, at the 
time — some ten years previously — when the first Jesuits 
went to America, became a member of the Society of 
Jesus. He was the eldest son of the Marquis de 
Gamache, who, knowing of his ardent desire to see a col- 
lege founded at Quebec, and being anxious to abet him in 
this most laudable undertaking, communicated with 
Father Mutius Yitelleschi, General of the Jesuits, prof- 
fering a gift of six thousand gold crowns with which to 
carry the project to completion. The work, however, 
was necessarily delayed, owing to the fact that it was 
at about that time that Quebec fell into the hands of 
the English. Regarding this enterprise 1 , we are told in 

5 attached t 

six of the Relations. 1633-1634. 
we find the following, which throws a. inure positive light upon this 
enterprise and its conception: "Rene Rohault, eldest son of Nicholas 
Rohault, Marquis de Gamache (or Gamaches) a nobleman of Picardy. 
was born May 25, 1609. near to the city of Ameins, where he early 
became a pupil at the Jesuit college. He became a novice in 
that order March 9, 1626. at Paris, largely through the influ- 
ence of Coton, then Provincial of France, whose death occurred 
about ten days later. Upon entering his novitiate. Rene persuaded his 
father to give the Jesuits a part of his own patrimony, for the estab- 
lishment of a school in connection with their Canadian mission. De 
Gamache accordingly gave them for his son 16,000 ecus of gold (Charle- 
voix erroneously says 6,000) : and added as a personal gift from himself 
an annuity of 3.000 livres. to be paid as long as he lived. Rene pursued 
his studies successively at Paris, Ameins. Eu and La Fleche, and 
preached three years at Eu, where he died June 29, 1639." 

the Relation de la Nouvelle, France, that in letters 
issued by him Father Mutius Vitelleschi established, 
Nicholas Rohault, Marquis de Gamache, Baron of 
Longroy and Hincheville, Signeur of Beauchamp, Mari- 
euil and Bonnicour, etc., and his wife, Frances Mangot, 
founders of the college. Here also appears somewhat 
of a discrepancy regarding the amount of the donation, 
one giving it as sixteen thousand gold crowns, while 
by another it is stated as being forty-eight thousand 

The colony now having come under the domination 
of the English, it became necessary to await such time 
and conditions as would bring about the most benefit 
for the settlers by the establishment of this institution. 
It was not until December, 1635, then, that active work 
was begun upon the building. It was at this time, also, 
that the colony experienced a terrible shock, in the 
almost irreparable loss of its governor, Champlain, who 
died December 25, 1635. Of this excellent and pious man, 
it can safely and most truthfully be said that his entire 
life was one continuous example of unselfishness spent 
in behalf of his fellow men, and the religion which he 
had always so faithfully served. Champlain was born 
at Brouage, in Haitonge, in 1567 or '70, his father being 
reputed a nobleman, who during the civil wars fought 
for the King of Brittany, under d'Aumont de St. Luc 
and Brissac. An uncle of his also held high rank in the 
Spanish navy. It was after an extended voyage to Mex- 
ico in the service of Spain that Champlain was first in- 
duced to go to New France, with which country, until 
the time of his death, his career was thenceforth identi- 
fied. He married Helen Boulle, sister of a fellow navi- 
gator, who, though at the time a Protestant, returned to 
the ancient faith, and on her husband's death became 
an Ursuline nun, under the name of Mother Helen de 
St. Augustine. She died at Meaux December 20, 1654, 
at the age of fifty-six, in the convent which she had 
founded. They left no issue. Of Champlain's personal 
character, the historian Charlevoix says: "Mr. de Cham- 
plain was beyond contradiction a man of merit, and may 
well be called 'The Father of New France.' He had 
good sense, much penetration, very upright views and 
no man was ever more skillful in adapting the most com- 
plicated affairs. What all admired most in him was his 
consistencv in following up his enterprises; his firmness 



in the greatest dangers; a courage proof against the most 
unforeseen reverses and disappointments; ardent and 
disinterested patriotism; a heart tender and compassion- 
ate for the unhappy, and more attentive to the interests 
of his friends than his own; a high sense of honor, and 
great probity. His memoirs show that he was not igno- 
rant of anything that one of his profession should know; 
and we find in him a faithful and sincere historian, an 
attentively observant traveler, a judicious writer, a good 
mathematician and an able mariner. 

"But what crowns all these good qualities is the fact 
that in his life, as well as in his writings, he shows himself 
always a truly Christian man, zealous for the service of 
God, full of candor and religion. He was accustomed 
to say, what we read in his memoirs, 'that the salvation 
of a single soul was worth more than the conquest of an 
empire, and that kings should seek to extend their 
domain in heathen countries, only to subject them to 
Christ. He thus spoke especially to silence those who, 
unduly prejudiced against Canada, asked what France 
would gain by settling it. Our own kings, it is known, 
always spoke like Champlain on this point; and the con- 
version of the Indians was the chief motive which, more 
than once, prevented their abandoning a colony the 
progress of which was so long retarded by our impa- 
tience, our inconstancy, and the blind cupidity of a few 
individuals. To give it a more solid foundation, it only 
required more respect for the suggestions of Mr. de 
Champlain, and more seasonable relief on the part of 
those who placed him in his position. The plan which 
he proposed was but too well justified by the failure of 
opposite maxims and conduct." 

In spite of their great and seemingly irretrievable 
loss, the Jesuits at once proceeded without unnecessary 
delay to establish the institution towards which liberal 
donations had already been made. But aside from the 
original purpose of this institution, there were other and 
weighty reasons why immediate benefit might be 
expected from its establishment in the colony. Principal 
among these was the fact that many natives of France, 
being made aware of the possibilities thus afforded for 
giving their sons an education unattainable in many parts 
of their native country, would remove to the new colony 
and settle there. It also had its effect upon the Indians, 
who, becoming duly impressed with the power of a nation 
which could carry out such a mammoth and elaborate 
undertaking with ease and confidence, flocked in great 
numbers from all parts of the country to the neighbor- 
hood of Quebec. The influence thus brought to bear 
upon the Indians also proved of much material benefit 
in carrying out the general plan for their evangelization. 
This was made still easier by means of food and other 
comforts which were distributed with a liberal hand 

among them, thus making them docile and far more 
approachable when the question of religion was brought 
up for discussion. Thus they became, to a certain 
degree, civilized and acquired a liking and friendliness 
for the French, which not only effected a better and more 
desirable condition throughout the settlement, but also 
aided largely in the advancement of the interests of Chris- 
tianity. It was even proposed to introduce a number of 
Indian boys into the college, where their spiritual and 
material interests would receive constant and watchful 
care; but the undertaking failed of fulfillment, owing to 
the scarcity of funds with which to carry on the work. 

After the death of Champlain, the government of the 
colony was administered by Mark Anthony Bras-de-fer 
(de Chateaufort), governor of Three Rivers, who 
remained in charge until the arrival of Mr. de Mont- 
magny, who was appointed March 10, 1637, and reached 
his destination, Quebec, on June 10th or nth. Mr. de 
Montmagny was a Knight of Malta as also was Mr. de 
Lisle, who was given charge of Three Rivers. One of 
the first improvements attempted by the new governor 
was to establish and bring into active operation a school 
for Indian boys in connection with the college as already 
proposed by the Jesuit Fathers. The experiment, for 
such it may be deemed, was begun with the Hurons, who 
were regarded as farther advanced in religious matters 
and in their general condition than those of other tribes. 
It was also believed that these children would to a cer- 
tain extent stand as hostages for the good behavior of 
the people. The Hurons readily acquiesced in this prop- 
osition, promising to send their children at a stated time 
to Quebec to be instructed in all matters pertaining to 
the Catholic religion and the general amenities pertaining 
to a civilized existence. When the time arrived, how- 
ever, for fulfilling these promises, so great was their 
affection for their children, and so marked their dislike 
for parting with them, that they absolutely refused to let 
them go. At this time Father Daniel, who was to have 
acted as convoy to the party and who, in fact, did make 
a portion of the journey with some of them, paid a visit 
to Quebec, arriving there in a canoe accompanied by 
three or four Indians. A letter of Father le Jeune's 
reporting this occurrence describes him as being bare- 
footed, and completely exhausted, his breviary hanging 
to his neck, a shirt falling to pieces, and a tattered cassock 
on his attenuated body, but with a happy countenance, 
charmed with the life he led and by his air and words 
inspiring all with the desire of sharing the crosses to 
which the Lord imparted so much unction. So impressed 
were all others at his words, and with the undoubted sin- 
cerity of his professions pertaining to the greatness of the 
work, that before the end of the year 1636 there were no 
less than six members of the Jesuit Order located in dif- 


ferent towns throughout the Huron nation. Here was the 
opportunity, then, which had been so incessantly sought 
by the lamented Champlain, and no less desired by his 
worthy successor to establish a permanent settlement 
among the Hurons. This most desirable undertaking, 
however, was sadly retarded by the want of both men and 

Here was the great desideratum upon which hinged 
the progress and prosperity of the colony, as well as in 
fact everything pertaining to a well-defined condition of 
affairs; for aside from the fur trade, which enriched but 
a few directly interested in that branch of commerce, 
nothing whatever prospered. As a result of this extreme 
inertion there was but little, if anything, in connection 
with the settlement and its affairs, which could be said 
or written at that time, to arouse an active interest among 
the moneyed class of France, or those who were ever on 
the alert for safe commercial investment. From the mis- 
sions, of course, came voluminous and interesting recitals 
which were given willing audience in every home 
throughout the nation, but had not the slightest bearing 
or effect on other equally important though less spiritual 
affairs. Thus was evidenced, as in the present day, that 
calculating coldness which marks the progress and 
supremacy of commerce the world over. The view then 
which had been taken of the colony, as a commercial 
investment by those who had ventured their money in 
the undertaking, was far from satisfactory to the interests 
of the struggling settlement. This was, to say the least, 
strange, especially with such a magnificent stretch of 
territory at their command, such unrivaled possibilities, 
and such generous concessions as had already been made 
to them. True, the journey was long and hazardous, and 
the land of their investment practically unknown to them, 
though they had the word and experience of such a man 
as Champlain, and others equally reliable, upon which 
to form an opinion and guide them safely in their delib- 
erations. Yet they faltered and became indifferent at 
the very time when assistance was most needed, and a 
helping hand stretched forth in the fulfillment of their 
obligations would have saved much misery. Better still 
it would have brought to the cause of commerce as well 
as religion a new tenure of life, re-enforcing the spent 
energies of the settlers with a buoyancy pregnant with 
renewed hope for the future, and unabated confidence 
in those who had pledged themselves to see the under- 
taking safely through. 

Then, too, these conditions had an ill effect upon the 
Indians, and changed in a marked degree their attitude 
toward the settlers. Many of the nations had regarded 
an alliance with France in the light of an assurance that 
such an arrangement would insure them success in their 
raids upon the enemy. They relied, in fact, more upon 

the physical force thus made available than moral influ- 
ence, about which, at best, their knowledge was of a most 
limited and superficial character. There is no doubt 
remaining in the minds of many that these relations with 
the natives were effected all the more easily from the 
fact that they relied implicitly upon the promises made. 
Nor can the breach of confidence be questioned, know- 
ing as we do that prominent among these people were the 
Hurons, Tionontates, or Petuns, Algonquins and Nipis- 
sings, all of whom suffered defeat more or less severely 
at the hands of their enemies, from having placed reli- 
ance upon a volume of specious promises, which led them 
into the still greater error of negligence and want of 
preparation when forced into the presence of the foe. 

Nor was the enemy slow to take advantage of the 
situation. Of all the tribes that roamed for leagues 
around, or, for that matter, within the bounds of the con- 
tinent, none were more crafty or subtle, more devilish in 
device and inhumanly cruel, than the Iroquois. They 
never rested in their course of wanton destruction, but 
with hands ever raised against their fellows, made of life 
one continuous carnival of blood. Their greed, their 
insatiable desire for slaughter, their purpose of annihila- 
tion kept them ever wakeful, alert and vigilant, while with 
the dash and energy of conquering legions, or deep dis- 
simulative art, they carried this war of extermination 
into the very lodges of the foe. A scheme of unpar- 
alleled treachery adopted by them was to treat for peace 
with one portion of the nation, while slaughtering those 
dwelling at remote distances from the center of the terri- 
tory. To pacify and lull suspicion as far as possible, 
when these depredations became known, they offered the 
plausible excuse that such occurrences were the outcome 
of private grievances and quarrels, in which they, as a 
nation, had no interest whatever. And so suspicion 
slumbered among their less astute and crafty foe, until 
all too late they found this rapacious and merciless de- 
stroyer at their very door. They woke to be blinded by 
the glare of the firebrand and smoke of their burning 
lodges, and die with the groans of their fellows and 
shrieks of victory uttered by the foeman ringing in their 
ears. Then, assured of the dominance and strength of 
their unconquerable forces, the Iroquois became em- 
boldened, and, casting aside the mask, declared openly 
for a war of extermination. 

Thus they became a menace to the entire community, 
both white and red, although upon the latter the effect 
was most deplorable as well as lasting. It seemed as 
though time but added to their discomfort, the panic 
among them increasmg to such an extent that they be- 
came absolutely demoralized and unable to comfort 
themselves or direct the affairs of the tribe with their 
old-time judiciousness and skill. Uncontrollable panic 


seized upon them, every move became a blunder, every overwhelmed by physical exhaustion and its attendant 

effort redounded to their loss, until, driven hither and miseries, fought the good fight with great bravery, ex- 

thither, the victims of endless adversity, they dropped tracting much moral comfort from their labors, and re- 

into the monotony of a useless and almost aimless exist- joicing because they were enabled to administer the 

ence. Sacrament of Baptism to many dying ones, thus afford- 

Following the last expedition made by Champlain ing divine unction to their speeding souls, 

against the Iroquois, that tribe effected a treaty with the Of the tribes thus visited by the missionaries there 

Hurons. The war, however, went merrily on under the were the Byssiriniens 1 (doubtless the Nipissiriniens or 

guidance of the master minds of the nation, who never- Nipissings as the real Algonquins were sometimes 

theless strongly protested that the depredations com- called). To these the Fathers refer in their extended 

mitted by their people, from time to time, were but the memoirs, although later historians, it would seem, were 

outcome of personal grievances, and had no general sig- somewhat, if not entirely, uncertain as to which nation 

nificance whatever. These repeated protestations on they belonged — the Hurons or Algonquins. A little 

part of the Iroquois lulled into security any rising sus- later and no reference whatever is made to them, thus 

picions, which unchecked might have precipitated the leaving the impression that they were one of the numer- 

coming storm. As it was, however, the Hurons failed to cms tribes who suffered extermination at the hands of 

perceive the evidences of their growing insecurity, which the Iroquois. 

must be admitted were guarded with consummate skill. The first journeyings of the missionaries among the 

Thus the cloud, at one time no larger than a man's hand, more distant tribes resulted in little, if anything, to repay 

grew ominously thicker, bearing in its spreading them for the dangers and privations they had undergone, 

shadows the gloomy forebodings of a nation's peril, and or reflect any return for the efforts they had made to 

beneath its curtained depths the iron hand of a fierce and implant the germ of a Christian life in their midst. For 

vengeful people reached out menacingly toward them. years they followed out the same dangerous routine, 

But matters were not even to remain in this semi— never hesitating, although realizing the imminent peril 

pacificatory condition for long, and toward the spring in which they stood. Moreover, their labors still evi- 

of 1636 — the Relations also refer to certain attacks as denced the same want of success as when first they 

having been made as early as 1634 — the Iroquois, openly ventured forth upon this self-imposed mission. So, even 

avowing their intentions, appeared in the enemy's coun- under these most trying conditions, it was not with the 

try, fully armed, and in a manner which left no possible stolidity born of despair that they went forth, but with 

doubt as to their subsequent intentions. Fortunately for joyful acquiescence, praying, hoping, believing that their 

the welfare of the Hurons, there were a number of work was not in vain, and that it would repay their 

Frenchmen in the settlement whose presence there, to- labors, anxieties and sufferings a hundred fold in the 

gether with the determined stand they took, impelled the time to come. They felt also that they were accomplish- 

enemy to retire without making any active demonstra- ing the commands of their Lord and Savior, who bade 

tions. Here again the Hurons made an egregious mis- them go forth into the world and preach His gospel unto 

take, for no sooner had the enemy taken their departure every creature, and that God in His good time would 

than, instead of acting as former experiences would war- reward their labors with a bountiful harvest. It was 

rant, and at once preparing for open and aggressive war- indeed a labor of love, of beneficence and of implicit 

fare, they relapsed into their former condition of absolute confidence in a divine power, that urged and upheld 

indifference, from which neither argument nor urging these noble men in the pathway so void of life's smallest 

could induce them to arouse. complacency. Another cause that abetted the powers 

Towards the close of the year 1637, a number of of evil in their warfare upon these missions was to be 

additions were made to the missionary force at St. found in the ever-dreaded presence of the Iroquois, who 

Joseph, which made it possible for the permanent loca- kept the entire settlement in a continual state of anxiety 

tion of one at each of the principal towns throughout the and excitement. 

nation, besides leaving a number who could be sent out ^"Byssiriniens als0 supposed t0 be the N ipi SSir iniens or Nipiss- 

among the neighboring tribes. At this particular time ! n / s rce ^.. m £ ^ JiU^on^t^ 

the missionaries thus employed devoted considerable [^AUonuuins' 1 wiumi. h^assurerus, ^^^ reumed°theTigonquin 

attention to the Indians residing in the neighborhood Of lang o a f Se thTs' t ^°nother er w t r 1 i°ter says: "This was an Algonquin tribe of 

-. , > T - • • • , • , t ,-, r • Nipissings at the lak ' thai name They wore also railed Bissirinieris; 

Lake NipiSSlIlg, in Which direction, therefore, a majOntV a nd their Huron name was s,,i„eumes spelled Askicouaneronons. Like 

. , . ... , . , , other n. hi hei n Ml-.. n. iiiin nations, ill. v rendezvoused at the lake only ill 

Of their expeditions were made. Among those engaged the winter season. During the later wars between the Hurons and 

, . , , , , , - , , , , , Iroquois thev withdrew towards Hudson Bay, to avoid the fury of the 

in this hazardous and laborious field of labor were latter, and there n.muie.i with 
Fathers Gamier and Chatelain, who, although almost 



This aggressiveness on the part of the Iroquois had 
naturally been anticipated to a certainty, although it 
was both hoped and believed that the precautions already 
taken would prove sufficient in a great measure to im- 
press them with the strength and formidable conditions 
of the French. In fact everything had been done to 
cover up and make as little apparent as possible the true 
condition of the colony. Such hopes, however, proved 
vain and illusive, the Indians satisfying their already 
aroused suspicions in regard to the true condition of 
affairs by making a thorough investigation. The result, 
as might be expected from a people whose only idea of 
justice was measured by the power to coerce, was that 
they determined to await the arrival of a band of Hurons, 
then on their way to Quebec with a load of furs, and 
attack and capture them in the very presence of the 
Governor, thus openly ignoring him, and setting his 
authority at defiance. This they succeeded in doing, 
marching away with their prisoners and trophies of war 
without the settlers being able to raise a hand in defense 
of the Hurons or their own honor. 

This occurred during the month of August, 1637. 
But there were other and severer trials yet to come. 
Within a very few months of the time that the fore- 
going incident occurred, the entire country was visited 
by an epidemic so virulent in form, and disastrous in 
result, that it threatened to exterminate the entire popu- 
lation. Nor were its depredations by any means limited 
to the natives of the soil, the French being fully as sub- 
ject to its attacks as were the Indians. With the 
former, however, there were but few indeed who suc- 
cumbed, while with the Indians it in a majority of cases 
proved fatal. This difference in conditions, as will read- 
ily be surmised, was largely owing to the effect of the 
altogether more efficient nursing given to their invalids 
by the French, while on the other hand, though skillful 
and adept in the handling and treatment of wounds and 
fractures, the Indians knew absolutely nothing of internal 
diseases, their cause or treatment, and were, therefore, 
as in this instance, totally at the mercy of the pestilence. 
But the very fact of their want of success in treating their 
patients, while the French were in almost every instance 
successful, in itself proved a means of benefiting the mis- 
sionaries and advancing them in the estimation of the 
savages. For even with all there was to command their 
attention during this period of affliction, the Indians 
found time to watch the French in their manipulation 
of the stricken, and to form an opinion of the value of 
their methods. 

Heretofore anything unknown or unthought of by 
them, no matter of how necessary or common occurrence 
it might be, was attributed to witchcraft, and, as such, 
regarded with fear and hatred. As such, as remarked 

elsewhere, were deemed the most ordinary vocations of 
life, while in the performance of their religious duties 
the poor missionaries were often compelled to seek out 
some isolated spot where the ban of condemnation and 
consequent intolerant usage could not be put upon them. 
But in this instance superstition made ready place for 
art, while success verily trampled upon those bonds of 
ignorant unbelief which regulated to a great extent the 
Indian mind with unrestricted vigor. But even this modi- 
cum of success proved a welcome and valuable acquisi- 
tion, inasmuch as to it alone was due that change in 
feeling without which the condition of the French would 
have become desperate indeed. But the Indians saw the 
French recovering when their own people were dying 
with rapidity which threatened absolute annihilation; 
they watched, and by so doing learned to treat their 
ailing ones in a manner so appreciably better that the 
percentage of fatalities was quickly and noticeably re- 
duced. They noticed, too, that the missionaries hovered 
ever around the pallets of the sick, fearing nothing, and 
in fact oftentimes themselves becoming victims of the 
dread complaint. 

Here, then, they discovered an exhaustless amount 
of fearlessness, constancy and gentleness which touched 
their savage nature in a manner entirely different to any- 
thing they had formerly experienced in the way of friend- 
liness for the black gowns. It was something, in fact, 
that they could readily understand, could measure as to 
its value, or, if need be, condemn. To these creatures 
of stoical nature, among whom the power for physical 
endurance was of all powers the most admired; who 
learned from earliest youth to suffer and be silent, and 
who listened to the cry for mercy with derision, the reck- 
less generosity of the missionaries did not appeal in vain. 
They saw these tireless workers labor without faltering, 
toil without murmuring; anxious, zealous and earnest 
in their ministrations, and, above all, by artful methods 
and generous remedies restoring to a renewed tenure of 
life many who had seemed hopelessly stricken. And it 
appealed all the more powerfully to them in that they had 
a most abiding and inherent fear of the disease them- 

So, by one means and another, although they were 
not altogether to be regarded as the result of considerate 
and logical reasoning, the Indians came to regard the 
missionaries in a manner entirely different from that 
which had heretofore dominated their views concerning 
them and their coming among them. Nor was this the 
opinion of a few of the higher and broader minded, but 
may rather be regarded as the consentient opinion of the 
people. 1 


But this most admirable regard for the spiritual 
condition of the savages, as well as the much expressed 
desire for their immediate conversion to the Catholic 
faith, was by no means limited to those occupying that 
particular locality, where this work of progress was being 
carried on. On the contrary, it was far reaching in its 
purpose, finding many godly and zealous adherents 
throughout Europe. Most particularly, of course, was 
this the case in France, where the motive first originated, 
and from which country the greater portion of this work 
had thus far emanated. This spirit of desire was natur- 
ally to a great extent evoked through the efforts of the 
Jesuit Fathers, whose letters to their native country were 
full of hope and promise for the undertaking and evan- 
gelization of the Indians. Thus they represented, as their 
firm conviction, that a strong hold might be gained on 
these people, in a spiritual sense, through the medium of 
relief which might be afforded to their temporal require- 
ments. This was hardly to be considered in the light of 
a new idea, neither was it to be regarded as a novel one, 
except so far as it might pertain to the case in question, 
where the same means applied in reducing a wild beast to 
a reasonable state of submission was in this instance used 
for inculcating the doctrine of civilization in the savage. 
However, be that as it may, the cause was of sufficient 
interest to awaken the people of France to a sense of 
their duty as Christians and promulgators of the true 
faith. Thus inspired, many individuals readily contrib- 
uted to the undertaking whatever they could afford, while 
religious organizations in Paris, as well as throughout 
the entire country, made diligent and concerted effort in 
behalf of the work. There was inaugurated, in fact, a 
popular movement associated with which were to be 
found, not only the actual workers and their own imme- 
diate supporters, but also a greater number of the nobility 
and even royalty itself. It was also proposed to broaden 
the scope in which this work applied, and to that end it 
was decided to establish a number of benevolent institu- 
tions throughout the new colony. This but intensified 
the interest of all classes of people, the result of the new 
proposition being that many Sisters of different religious 
orders tendered their services to the cause, earnestly so- 
liciting their selection as candidates for the position. The 
priests and their pious associates were also greatly com- 
forted and assisted at this time by the earnest and active 
support of Commander de Sillery, who was recognized as 
an ardent and zealous worker in every undertaking which 
tended to advance the interests of the Church. 

Nor was it by word of mouth alone that he qualified 
his adherence and strict integrity of purpose, taking 

all times was the one when the missionaries experienced the greatest 
and most persistent persecution. With such undeniable evidence with 
which to contradict then, it is hardly to be wondered at that the state- 
ment is received with considerable allowance; in fact the Relation of 
1639 by no means justifies its acceptance. 

active participation in whatever of value might be 
brought to the surface for the advancement of the under- 
taking. It was then a matter of eminent satisfaction to 
him when a project for the establishment of an Indian 
town was broached. This organization, it was proposed, 
was to consist of Christians and proselytes only, who 
should be sheltered from depredations of the general 
enemy — the Iroquois— by the French. It was further 
stipulated that these Indians should as far as possible be 
made self-supporting, being taught to till and cultivate 
the soil, and otherwise provide through more modern 
channels for their general comfort and support. So heart- 
ily, in fact, did de Sillery favor this movement, that he 
individually incurred the expense of sending a number of 
artisans to Quebec in 1637 for the purpose of erecting 
the necessary buildings, and otherwise placing the settle- 
ment in perfect working order. In this connection, also, 
he addressed himself to Father le Jeune, under whose im- 
mediate supervision he had placed this force, urging him 
to take immedate action in the matter. The first thing, 
of course, was to select a suitable and advantageous loca- 
tion, which was found at a point on the river about four 
miles above the city of Quebec. Here, then, they began 
work on this grand and novel undertaking, giving to the 
place the name of Sylleri, after him whose beneficence 
had made it possible for them to thoroughly test the 
feasibility of the plan. 

It was not long after the commencement of this work 
that some of the Indians began to take cognizance of it, 
inquiring of the missionaries its purpose, and in many 
other ways exhibiting their interest and curiosity. Some 
even went so far as to suggest that it would be considered 
acceptable shelter by them, should the missionaries deem 
it expedient to devote it to that purpose. On this subject, 
however, Father le Jeune preferred to remain non-com- 
mittal, although fully aware of the ultimate disposition to 
be made of the property. So he told them that he could 
give no definite answer at that time, but that they must 
wait with patience till the arrival of the owner and master 
of the settlement. This uncertainty and delay but in- 
creased their desire for possession, a condition altogether 
in keeping with the wishes of the missionaries. 

During the year following, de Sillery gave his consent 
to the proposed investment, and soon after two large 
families of the Montagnais took possession of the place, 
and made their residence there. From that time on there 
was not the slightest question as to the success of the 
undertaking, so that within a few years the settlement had 
grown into a town of considerable size, the entire popula- 
tion of which was composed of Christian Indians. 1 

Of the man who, though he did not project this under- 

. These were the families of 
*>unt of this enterprise, Charlc 
3 twelve, but this, Shea says, 


taking, furnished the plans and sinews with which it was 
carried out, there is but little more to be said than has 
already been intimated — that he was a zealous and con- 
sistent Christian, whose hand was ever active in doing 
good, and whose voice never failed in proclaiming the 
beauties and advantages of a Christian life. The Chevalier 
de Sillery was born during the month of December, 1577. 
He belonged to a wealthy and opulent family, whose 
prestige, in addition to his own great personal merits, 
gained for him many positions of trust and confidence 
within the gift of the King of France. Thus as ambassa- 
dor from that country to the courts at Madrid and Rome, 
he was not only regarded for his personal qualifications, 
but also for the great magnificence in which he lived. At 
a later date he withdrew from the world, and, receiving 
orders, thenceforth lived in retirement. A zealous Chris- 
tian, he proved of great assistance to his friends, St. Vin- 
cent de Paul and St. Jane Frances de Chantal, in their 
works of charity and spiritual reform. He died on Sep- 
tember 26th, 1640, and was buried in the Church which 
he had founded. Many years after (1835), when this 
property had come into the possession of a Protestant 
congregation, his body was removed by the Visitation 
Nuns to their convent in the Rue St. Etienne de Mont, 
and later to the Rue d'Enfer. 

The Indians took very kindly to their new surround- 
ings, following implicitly and with much earnestness 
the direction of their reverend preceptors and in every 
particular attempting to vie in their manner and mode 
of living with the Christian families who surrounded 
them. This evident desire on their part to do right, 
was of much comfort and solace to the results accruing 
from their long and arduous labors. But it must not 
be forgotten that this most desirable condition of affairs 
was, to a great extent, brought about by means of the 
laity, whose model and exemplary manner of living was 
duly accepted by the savages as the true type of a 
perfect and Christian life. 

Of this cause and the success which followed, 
Charlevoix says: "The neighborhood of Quebec and 
the exemplary conduct of its people contributed not a 
little to ground the new inhabitants of Sylleri in piety, 
and inspire them with a kind of government suited to 
their character. All led a very regular life and most 
of them displayed a fervor which filled old Christians 
with shame, impressing them with the importance of 
not being outstripped in piety and regularity by savage 

Another thing which operated strongly in favor of 
religious progression at this time was the fact that the 
earlier French colonists in North America were formed 
largely of a class of honest and industrious working 
people, who were ever engaged in performing the duties 

of their calling, while a few of higher class came there 
from choice, desiring to live a more retired life and thus 
be enabled to devote a still greater portion of their time 
to religion. Of course, as in every state and condition, 
the unleaven to a certain extent was bound to appear, 
so that, occasionally, men were to be met with in Que- 
bec who, as the saying goes, "had left their country for 
their country's good." These, however, came in such 
insignificant numbers and their actions were so carefully 
watched, that not the slightest difficulty resulted from 
their presence. On the contrary, we may even go so far 
as to say that quite a number of them, being thus 
brought under the influences of Christian life, sought 
consolation in its teachings and thereafter became con- 
sistent and respected members of the community. 

It will therefore be readily gathered from the fore- 
going that the patient labors of the missionaries were 
already reaping an abundant harvest, while the seed 
which had at first apparently been planted on stony and 
unfruitful soil, was yielding of returns an hundred-fold. 

There is a certain line of progression which marks 
the growth of every community where the refining in- 
fluences of civilization have been brought to bear upon 
it. One condition succeeds the other with almost the 
same regularity that marks the revolution of the earth 
upon its axis, or notes the flight of time. In life, there 
is really nothing new, so that, taken as a whole, the 
growth of the Catholic parish in our country to-day is 
but the repetition, perhaps, in a somewhat modified 
form, of spiritual evolution or progression two or three 
hundred years ago. Then, even as now, a nucleus was 
necessary, although while at the present time it consists 
of men already imbued with the spirit of Chris- 
tianity, which then lay deep and dormant within the tin- 
awakened souls of the untutored savage. Then, too, 
as now, the missionary Fathers came to labor and im- 
press, only, that formerly, the work was accomplished 
through a thorough arousing and regeneration of 
the spiritual system while now their coming is always 
anxiously awaited; and so the similarity continues; 
the congregation is formed, mission established and 
church erected. Here, then, the pastor finds some- 
thing tangible to work upon; a body of people banded 
together for the purpose of upholding and perpetuating 
the faith of their Fathers, and, as though to give further 
assurance of their earnestness and sincerity in the work, 
giving and dedicating a structure to the service of Al- 
mighty God. Then in the natural course of evolution 
comes the school, that equalizing and uplifting force 
which clears the mind of its numberless inherent sophis- 
tries and leads it to that higher plane from which alone 
the good, the pure and beautiful may be appreciated 
and understood. 



And so in this new colony, where under the most 
advantageous conditions the surroundings were but 
crude and prospect most uncertain, having obtained 
a momentary foothold and created, as it were, a general 
feeling of moral responsibility among the people, the 
missionaries turned their attention and bent their ener- 
gies towards the establishment of a school. In connec- 
tion with this undertaking, it was also deemed advisable, 
if possible, to arrange for the erection of a hospital. 
In doing this, their purpose was evidently twofold, the 
object, so far as the hospital was concerned, being to 
care for the colonists and Indians alike, while the school 
would afford an education to the children of the latter 
as well as to those of the French. 

The erection and establishment of a hospital at once 
found favor among the people of France, a number of 
whom worked diligently in behalf of the undertaking. 
Foremost among these was the Duchess de Aiguillon, 
a niece of Cardinal Richelieu, who desired to become 
foundress of the institution. As a consequence of all 
this, three Sisters of the Hospital Nuns of Dieppe were 
chosen, although many others cheerfully urged their 
claims for choice, and prepared to start for this new 
and untried field of labor, as soon as the first oppor- 
tunity should be afforded them to do so. 

As regards the school, however, matters did not, by 
any means, progress so favorably, which may be ac- 
counted for by the fact that the company controlling the 
settlement at that time deemed the undertaking an in- 
expedient one and therefore not to be considered. 

Naturally enough, most of the prominent individuals 
who were subsequently approached with a view of ob- 
taining their assistance in the furthering of this matter 
were also disinclined to act upon the proposition or, 
for that matter, give it any consideration whatever. 
Matters therefore looked exceedingly unpromising, and 
the effort for the time being, at least, was about to be 
abandoned, when a widow lady, Mme. de la Peltrie, 
assumed the responsibility of the undertaking, devoting 
both time and fortune to that purpose. This noble and 
self-sacrificing creature, whose memory will ever be 
revered by pious Catholics, was a daughter of Mr. de 
Chauvigny, Sieur de Vaubegon, and was born at Alen- 
con in 1603. When seventeen years of age she married 
Charles de Grival Seigneur de la Peltrie, a gentleman 
of the house of Tourvoys, who died five years later. She 
never became an Ursuline, but devoted her life and 
services to them, and finally died in the convent at 
Quebec on Nov. 18th, 1671, aged sixty-eight years. 

Having fully decided upon the undertaking, 
Madame de la Peltrie exhibited commendable activity 
in carrying out the details and making all necessary 
arrangements for immediate departure. She at once 

left Alencon, where she had previously resided, and 
proceeded to Paris, there to complete whatever business 
there was to be done regarding the establishment of the 
Ursuline 1 Order in New France. From Paris she went 
to Tours, where she obtained the assistance and co- 
operation of two Sisters, and thence to Dieppe, where 
she secured still another to add to her little family. 

Here, too, she ordered a vessel to be in readiness, 
in which they embarked on the 4th of May, 1639, for 
their new home. On the same vessel also sailed Father 
Bartholomew Vimond, who was on his way to Quebec 
to succeed Father le Jeune as Superior-General of the 
missions, having for his companions an additional force 
of priests and proselytes for the missionary field. The 
party at length arrived safely at its destination, landing 
at Quebec on August 1st, 1639. 

With the arrival of this much-needed and valuable 
contingent in the colony, new life was infused into the 
people, each of whom seemed to fully realize the im- 
portance of the acquisition as a means of still farther 
impressing upon the Indian mind the benefits to be 
gained through a firm alliance with the French. They 
also created additional interest among them by demon- 
stration, showing how anxious these people must have 
been for their spiritual condition, and how self-sacrific- 
ing, too, to brave the perils of a long and tedious jour- 
ney, leaving the calm tranquillity and even luxury of 
their former homes to care for them, and to instruct 
their children in the ways of civilization and in the 
Christian religion. Nor was such an appeal as this 
made without effect; even the mind of the untutored 
savage seemed to a certain extent to grasp the wonder- 
ful self-denial which such action meant. 

The arrival of this band of workers was the cause of 
great and unrestricted joy to the people of the colony, 
who regarded their coming in the light of new tryst 
with the motherland, and general benefaction. So they 
received them with demonstrations of great rejoicing, 
the entire population turning out to bid them welcome. 
Nor were the newcomers less affected than those among 
whom they came. Here, then, Madame de la Peltrie 
and those accompanying her took up their life's work, 
devoting wealth, energy, comfort and even life itself 
to the regeneration of the savages and proper education 
of their children. Here, too, Madame de la Peltrie was 
in her element, and being a woman of sound judgment 
and exalted views, proved an ideal leader in this most 

under peculiai obligation, n benevolence of Monsieur le Cure of 

Havre and of the Ursuline Mothers; for as we had not foreseen our 
departure if Father Charles Lallemant of Roiin and these good People 

'had not assisted us in the hasty preparations we were obliged 
to make, we should without doubt have been very badly off. 

The' Order of the UrsuH: 
by Angela M< 
the end of the'sixteentli century, thence spreading to Germany. 

founded Nov. 25, 1535. at Brescia, 

». To the three vows of St. Augustine it added a fourth, 

•equiring the instruction of girls. It became established in France br 


noble undertaking. Already she had given her fortune the wants and comforts of others, and entire forgetful- 

to the cause — a slight test to one who had never desired ness of self, should have had very marked effect upon 

to be rich — but this was not enough in her estimation, the people, and thereby lent a generous impulse to reli- 

so that she further emphasized her determination by gious force throughout the colony. Among the Indians 

resolving to spare herself in nothing where the salvation at this time, changes were particularly noticeable, and 

of souls was to be effected. But aside from her power so generally apparent did it become that great hope was 

as a moral force, she was an ever present and active expressed that ere long the entire people would come 

factor in the more material undertakings of the colo- under the dominion of the Church. In fact, as the his- 

nists. Thus it was no uncommon occurrence to see her torian has said: "The outlay made at Sylleri to gather 

tilling the soil, while in her goodness of heart she the newly converted and those who were anxious to be 

quickly bereft herself of absolute necessaries, in order instructed; the convent school and hospital; all of the 

that the children might be properly clothed. "Such and missions reinforced by unwearied men who never spared 

other acts of heroic charity," says the historian Charle- themselves; the piety and charity of the chief settlers, 

voix, "have forever endeared, her memory to all New who refused nothing to aid them, even to lending their 

France, where the fruit of her good work is perpetuated own beds for the use of the sick, made this one of the 

to the great advantage of all that colony." most precious moments which it is of importance to 

Here, then, we find in the year 1639 representatives seize, and which never returns when allowed to pass 
of two great religious orders — the Ursulines at Quebec without being improved to the utmost." 
and Hospital Nuns at Sylleri — well established and in a About now it also seemed to have become the gen- 
position to wonderfully assist in the advancement of eral opinion in France that a more active interest should 
moral progress and its extension throughout the land, and must be taken in the welfare of the* colony; that it 
At the latter place the effect was really marvelous, the afforded an abundant and resourceful field to those who 
number of Indians drawn to that settlement by the for want of means, or from desire to obtain still greater 
establishment of the Sisters there increasing day by day. acquisitions, were compelled to seek out a new home, and 

But there were many drawbacks to contend with, that everything possible should be done to exploit the 

one of the greatest being the limited quarters afforded advantages thus offered, and, if possible, impel a tide 

by the convents. Be it said, however, to the honor of of emigration in that direction. It was, of course, re- 

the Sisters, that whatever distress and inconvenience garded as a certainty that an increase in the population 

was caused by this unhappy lack of accommodation, it meant an improvement in business, which to the thrifty 

was all cheerfully and uncomplainingly borne by them, people of the French Capital and other cities of note 

nor were its ill effects felt at any time by either patienti was a most desirable theme to dwell upon. But in spite 

or pupils. But there were harder trials yet in store for of all this public opinion, which augured so well for the 

these tender-hearted souls which bid fair to decimate the colony, the Company of One Hundred associates and 

entire colony. The small-pox came, and, having firs: others, in fact, who should have shown the most evident 

attacked the Ursuline seminary, spread with great interest in the settlement, became noticeable for their 

rapidity throughout the settlement. As quickly as dis- lack of appreciation and want of sympathy or whatever 

covered, those attacked were conveyed to the hospital, it may be proper to call it. 

but so rapidly had the epidemic spread, and so many Hence the situation was reversed from what, under 
were its victims, that soon there was no further available normal conditions, it should have been. The missions 
space to be had. Through all of these fearful experi- and other religious institutions proved the sole support 
ences the good Sisters staid faithfully at their posts, of the colony, which with a properly conditioned en- 
doing as best they could with the limited means at their vironment should have supported them. This really 
command and caring for all with the utmost solicitude placed the colony in a rather precarious condition, as 
and devotion. It was indeed a matter of wonder how it the very resources from which it drew its sustenance 
could be possible for these people of gentle birth and were themselves dependent upon a well-meaning, 
tender nurturing, to so happily withstand the extreme though uncertain patronage. Indeed, this unfortunately 
change in life, climate, food and general surroundings proved to be the case so that it was but a short time 
as they did. It is still more surprising to learn that, in afterwards that there was a perceptible diminution in the 
addition to the distress as well as the multitudinous resources of the missionaries, which was sadly felt by 
duties thus put upon them, they also found time to that zealous and struggling little community. 
acquaint themselves to no inconsiderable extent with the In addition to these most natural causes for disquiet, 
Indian language. It is not to be wondered at, then, which with men of less pertinacity and noble intent 
that the tender solicitude exhibited by the Sisters for would undoubtedly have had a most disheartening effect, 



fresh disturbances arose among the Indian tribes, result- fingers torn off; that two fingers of the other hand were 

ing in a renewal of fierce hostilities among them. In gone, cut off with an axe; and that the only dressing 

this again, however, the Iroquois must be recorded as applied to these wounds was a few leaves bound with 

having had the upper hand, a natural consequence to strips of bark. In addition to this, the joints of his arms 

their career in the field, which, as we have heretofore were burnt, and on one he had a deep gash. He had 

related, was one of unqualified and continuous success, been reduced to this state on his march, for from the 

But although the Hurons, disheartened and subdued by moment he had entered the first Huron town he had 

many consecutive and crushing defeats, were wont to be received only good treatment. Every cabin had feasted 

regarded as entirely inadequate to the task of main- him, and a young woman had been assigned him to act as 

taining their own against such a powerful and aggressive his wife. In a word, to him among these Indians no one 

enemy, their inherent habits of bravery maintained to a would suppose that the people who showed him so much 

remarkable degree, causing them to throw off that indif- friendship would be so many demons furiously torment- 

ferent and lethargic tone which had marked their gen- ing him. 

eral condition for some time past, and even aided them Father de Brebeuf, who had free liberty to converse 

in regaining a portion of that prestige for which they with him, began by telling him that, although he could 

were heretofore renowned. do nothing to mitigate his pains, he wished at least to 

It was during this last outbreak that an incident teach him to suffer them — not precisely as a brave, to 

transpired which marked an epoch in the annals of mis- acquire a glory that would be useless to him after death, 

sionary labor. There had been a fierce encounter be- but from a more solid and elevated motive; that this 

tween the Hurons and a prowling body of the Iroquois, motive was the well-grounded hope that his pains would 

which had resulted disastrously for the latter, one of be followed by a perfect and endless happiness. He then 

whom fell into the hands of the victorious enemy. He briefly explained to him the most essential articles of 

was brought back to the Huron village and burned, but Christian doctrine, and he found him not only docile, but, 

before passing through this most fearful ordeal he was contrary to the usual custom of Indians, very attentive 

baptized in due form by Father de Brebeuf, who was and taking pleasure in what was told him. He profited 

present, and an eye witness to that which followed. This by this good disposition, and believed that he saw Grace 

was undoubtedly the first case on record where any one working powerfully in the heart of this captive. He 

of the Iroquois nation had submitted to the influence of completed his instruction, baptized him and called him 

religion to such an extent, and, therefore, it is deemed Joseph. 

worthy of more than passing notice at the present time. He then obtained permission to take him with him 
Of this occurrence, the historian, Charlevoix, writes: every evening and keep him with him during the night. 
"As soon as the prisoner reached the village, the sachems He would have desired more, but the fate of the prisoner 
held a council to decide his fate, and the conclusion was did not depend on those from whom he could have ob- 
that he should be put into the hands of an old chief in tained his deliverance. His wounds gave him much to 
order to replace, if he so chose, one of his nephews taken suffer, as they swarmed with worms. He earnestly asked 
by the Iroquois, or to dispose of him as he saw fit. On that they should be taken out; but it was impossible to 
the other hand, Father de Brebeuf was no sooner in- do this, the vermin burying themselves at every attempt 
formed of what was passing than he hastened to the pris- to extract them. The feasts continued always in his 
oner, determining not to leave his side till he had opened name; and he did the honors, singing till he was hoarse, 
to him the way of salvation. He first perceived him amid He was then taken from town to town, compelled to sing 
a band of warriors, clothed in a new beaver robe, with all the way; he had no rest except when Father de Bre- 
a wampun belt around his neck and another around his beuf or some other missionary had permission to enter- 
head, like a diadem. He was made to sing without giv- tain him. Then he was not only interrupted, but all the 
ing him a moment's relaxation, but he was not ill-treated. Indians gathered round to hear the Father, and many 
What most astonished the missionary was that he was profited by what they heard. 

as tranquil and had a countenance as serene as if he had At last they reached the village of the chief to whom 

suffered nothing, or was sure of his life; yet he had en- the prisoner had been given, and he had not yet declared 

dured much in the first days of his captivity, and had the decision to which he had come. Joseph appeared 

more to fear than to hope from the future. before this sovereign arbiter of his destiny with the coun- 

Father de Brebeuf was invited to make him sing tenance of a man to whom life and death are indifferent, 

according to custom, but he excused himself, and ap- He was not long in suspense as to what was to befall him. 

proaching a little nearer, he remarked that one of his "Nephew," said the old chief, "you cannot conceive the 

hands had been crushed between stones and one of his joy I feel in learning that you are mine. I had imagined 



that he whom I had lost had risen again, and I had re- 
solved to put you in his place. I had already prepared a 
mat for you in my cabin, and it gave me great pleasure 
to think that I was to spend the rest of my days with you ; 
but the condition in which I see you forces me to change 
my resolution. It is evident that with the pain and trou- 
ble you endure life can be but a burden, and you will 
doubtless thank me for shortening it. It is those who 
mutilated you thus who put you to death. Courage, 
then, nephew. Prepare for this evening. Show that you 
are a man, and be not depressed by fear of torture." 

The prisoner heard this as though it did not concern 
him. He replied in a firm tone, "this goes well." Then 
a sister of the one whom he was to replace came and 
offered him food, as if he had really been her brother, 
serving him with every appearance of the most sincere 
and cordial friendship. The old chief himself caressed 
him, put his pipe in his mouth; and seeing him all 
drenched with sweat, wiped it off, and gave him all possi- 
ble marks of truly fatherly affection. 

Towards noon the prisoner made his farewell feast at 
the expense of his uncle; and all being assembled, he 
said: "Brothers, I am going to die; enjoy yourselves 
boldly around me; think that I am a man; and rest as- 
sured that I fear neither death nor any torture you can 
inflict upon me." He then sang, several warriors joining 
with him, after which food was served up. There is no 
invitation to these banquets; everyone has a right to go; 
but most of them bring no platter, and come as mere 
spectators. The banquet over, the prisoner was taken to 
the place of torture, a cabin set apart for this use. Each 
village has one of this class, styled "the cabin of blood or 
•of severed heads," and it is always the cabin of a war- 
chief. As soon as a prisoner sets foot in it, it is no longer 
in the power of any one to spare his life. It is not, how- 
ever, always the place of execution, which may be per- 
formed anywhere. 

Towards eight o'clock at night eleven fires were 
lighted about six feet apart. All arranged themselves 
in line on either side, the old men behind on a sort of 
platform, and the young men, who were to be actors, in 
the front rank. As soon as the prisoner entered, an old 
man advanced, exhorted the youth to do well, adding 
that this was an important action and that Areskouy 1 

i deity of Iroquois mythology, 
ide. "His most prominent 
i was often invoked, and the 
. . _s burned in his honor. Like 
Jouskeha, he was identified with the sun, and he is perhaps to be 
regarded as the same being under different attributes. Among the Iro- 
quois proper or "Five Nations" there was also a divinity called Taran- 
yo wagon or Teharoniawagon, whose place and character it is very diffi- 

would look down upon them. This short harangue was 
received with applause, or rather with yells wild enough 
to strike terror into the stoutest. The captive at the same 
time appeared amid the assembly, between two mission- 
aries, and the cries redoubled as he was seen. He was 
next seated on a mat, and his hands bound. 

He then rose and went around the cabin, dancing and 
singing his death-song. This done, he returned to his 
place, and sat down on the mat again. Then a war chief 
took off his robe, and, showing him thus naked to the 
assembly, said: "Such a one (naming another chief) 
takes this captive's robe; the inhabitants of such a village 
will cut off his head, and give it with an arm to such a 
one (whom he named again), who will make a feast of 
it." Then began a most tragic and horrible scene; and 
Father de Brebeuf, who was present at the whole, gives a 
description that makes one shudder. This missionary 
induced the executioners from time to time to give their 
victim some relaxation. He profited by it to exhort him 
to offer his sufferings to a God who could reward him for 
them, and who had himself undergone for us every in- 
dignity and torment. 

While he spoke, all kept silence and listened atten- 
tively. Joseph replied to all as though he felt no pain; 
and during his whole torture nothing escaped him which 
his charitable instructors could rebuke. He even spoke 
at times of the affairs of his tribe as though he were in 
the midst of his family and friends. His tortures were 
prolonged, because the old man had declared that it was 
important that the rising sun should find him still alive. 
As soon as day broke he was led out of the village and 
no longer spared. At last, when they saw him about to 
expire, for fear he should die otherwise than by steel, as 
his sentence required, they cut off his foot, hand and 
head. The distribution was made, as had been directed, 
and the rest of the body was put into the kettle." 

n of Jouskeha, 

3e, and whose 

. — Parkm 
sacrific-s to Areskoui 
I by Father Jogues in a 

r dated August 5, 1643, 

jrsity of opinion, 
some writers going so tar as to assume that Areskoui is the Devil and 
Tarenyoiwagon, God. Parkman, however, tells us that the Iroquois name 
for God is Hawenniio, sometimes written Owayneo,, which word used in 
that sense was wholly due to the interpretation put upon it by the mis- 
sionaries. Hawenniio is an Iroquois verb, meaning, he rules, he is mas- 
ter, but there is, the historian assures us, no Iroquois word which in its 
primitive meaning can be interpreted the Great Spirit or God. 

Early writers, we are told, failed to discover any trace among the 
aborgines of a belief in a Supreme Being, although it is said that the 
Foxes and Sacs believed in a great genie who lived not far from the 
French settlements. 


Cbe J rencb in Canada-continued. 


Indian Peculiarities.— Their strange Views regarding Justice.— Apprecia- 
tion of Kindness and Affection for their Children.— Perplexities of the 
Missionaries.— Religion and Brutality.— The Condition and Progress 
of the Huron Missions. -General [nterest taken by the French in the 
Missions of New Prance, and their Eagerness for News from the 
Colony.— Ill Treatment of the Missionaries by the Hurons and other 
Tribes.— Sorrows of Father Lalemant.- -How the Mission Services were 
conducted.— Doubts.— Charlevoix's Views.— Tribes among which the 
Missionaries labored.— Animosity of the Iroquois towards the French. 
—Their Unreliability.— The Three Rivers Mission, and those who 
attended it. — The Mission ;it Tadoussar. Indian Resorts along the 
Shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and at Miscou Island.— Trade in 
Fish and Furs of but little Benefit to the Colony owing to the extreme 
Selfishness of Individuals.— The Gaspesians, and how they acquired 
their Name.— The Case of Father Tursis.— His Works and Death.— 
Missionary Plans. 

tjgr» )N nearly every walk of life, we are at times con- 
syIiSj fronted by conditions so seemingly at variance 
r I...5 with our interests and intentions, that we are 
*rJ~=^) prone to look upon them as distinctly antago- 
nistic to our general interests and well-being, and 
therefore treat them with that careful delibera- 
tion which marks the course invariably pursued by 
people of conservative ideas. But these deviations 
are, as a rule of rare occurrence and short duration, while 
in many instances they prove to be a means to the end 
which we have most properly mapped out for our own 
use and business direction. How different were the con- 
ditions surrounding the lives and labors of the missionary 
fathers! Here they were assailed on all hands by a state 
of affairs from which no possible or satisfactory deduc- 
tion could be drawn. They found themselves compassed 
about by people whose ways were utterly at variance 
with anything with which they had heretofore been 
familiar, whose thoughts had been formed in a different 
mould, whose minds were teeming with numberless 
superstitions, whose sense of justice was mosaic, whose 
reasoning powers were limited to those of animal instinct, 
whose natures partook largely of the brutal and the 
bestial, and whose very lives proved an ever-existing 
state of uncertainty and bewilderment. On the other 
hand, they displayed a really genuine affection for their 
children, and showed a ready appreciation of any kindly 
or generous act. In the latter case, however, this sense 
of acknowledgment was limited by the scope of their 
understanding, which was strikingly deficient. In relig- 
ious matters, also, there was that same peculiarity, which 

to the eyes of the missionaries made the question of their 
moral regeneration one full of vexatious perplexities. 
For instance, they would stop while inflicting the most 
hideous tortures upon an enemy, to listen with patience, 
docility and respect to the missionaries' story of the 
Cross, and then with unabated vigor renew the attack 
upon their quivering victim. It was undoubtedly these 
repeated and ofttimes unexpected transitions from good 
to bad which solaced the Jesuits with the belief that there 
must be a moral tone underlying the peculiar char- 
acteristics of these people, which, though at that time 
dormant, would ultimately result in a vigorous as well as 
generous fruition. 

In the Huron missions we find a plentiful example 
of this state of contradictions with which the good fathers 
were called upon to cope. They found themselves ever 
confronted and even dismayed with these extremes of 
good and evil, being at times surprised almost over- 
whelmingly by the seeming conscientious interest shown 
by the Indians in their own regeneration, while on the 
other hand their vindictive and vicious excesses would 
almost lead the missionaries to believe that their efforts as 
a means of saving these depraved and misguided crea- 
tures had been entirely in vain. It was, in fact, in a state 
of endless suspense that they from time to time, under the 
most painful and harrowing conditions, brought them- 
selves to indite long accounts of their daily experiences 
among the aborigines, and the lives which they were in 
consequence compelled to endure. These writings or 
histories were received with unbounded satisfaction by 
the people of their native land, who devoured them with 
interest. This interest was made all the more apparent 
because they appreciated the earnestness and honesty, 
the candor and simplicity, with which they were evidently 
written. It was, in fact, in a spirit of self-abnegation that 
these experiences were given to the world, in which it 
was made evident that all the work attempted and 
accomplished and all the sufferings endured, had been 
rendered in the service of God, and for the good of man- 

Of this peculiar condition of affairs, the historian 
Charlevoix says: "The details they give in their letters 
are truly touching; and these letters are written with so 
much simplicity and candor, that we cannot be surprised 
that they excited the interest of so many people of piety 


in the conversion of the heathen in Canada. On the 
one hand, we see savages, drawn by the secret impres- 
sions of grace and by the charity of their masters in 
Christ, presenting themselves in crowds for baptism; 
numbers of Iroquois entered, like this one described, 
into the way of salvation and by the same gate as he, 
and showed till the last sigh sentiments that touch their 
very enemies; finally unhoped-for conversions, where the 
finger of God makes itself felt even by the most incredu- 

"On the other hand, they showed the preachers of me 
Gospel, ever on the point of falling victims of a popular 
outbreak, excited by some unforseen incident; by the 
resentment of a father who imagined that the prayer or 
baptism caused the death of his child; by the caprice of 
some ill-disposed man, in whom a pretended dream or 
evil report has heated the bile or disordered the imagina- 

But it was by no means at the hands of the Hurons 
alone that the missionaries experienced all of their harsh 
and discourteous treatment, as will readily be realized by 
what follows. Of this particular incident, which clearly 
demonstrates the viciously superstitious condition of this 
entire people, Parkman relates: "Father Francis Du 
Peron came up the Ottawa in a Huron canoe in Septem- 
ber, 1638, and was well treated by the Indian owner of 
■the vessel. Lalemant and Le Moyne, who had set out 
from Three Rivers before him, did not fare so well. The 
former was assailed by an Algonquin of Allumette 
Island, who tried to strangle him in revenge for the 
death of a child which a Frenchman in the employ of 
the Jesuits had lately bled but had failed to restore to 
health by the operation." 

Another authority tells the story in this way: "Father 
Jerome Lalemant, 1 brother of Father Charles Lalemant, 
of whom I have already spoken, was on his way to the 
Hurons by the way of the great Ottawa River. He met 
some Algonquins who had pitched their cabins on the 
banks of that river, and his Huron guide thought fit to 
stop some time with them. The missionary took the 
opportunity to recite his breviary, and retired a little 
apart. He had scarcely begun when he was called and 
taken to a cabin. Here he was told to sit down beside an 
Algonquin, whose dark and angry brow heightened the 
sinister expression of a malignant face. 

"The missionary was no sooner seated beside him, 
than the Indian, looking at him askance, reproached 
him that a Frenchman passing through his village had 
bled one of his sick relatives and killed him. With these 
words he burst out in fury, seized an ax with one hand 
and a rope with the other, and told the missionary to 

(1) The 
using but 01 

prepare to die, to appease the manes of his kinsmen, 
and that he only gave him the choice of the mode of his 
death. The Father could only use reason with the mad- 
man, but he was in no condition to hear it. He even 
sprung on the missionary and endeavored to strangle 
him, but either his fury had not reached its height, or 
left him too little self-possession to know what he was 
doing. His cord got entangled in the collar of the mis- 
sionary's cassock, so that, though he pulled with all his 
might, he could not do him much harm. 

"After toiling in vain, he perceived his stupidity and 
wished to loosen the collar, but failing to do so, raised 
the hatchet to tomahawk the missionary, who escaped 
from his hands. The Hurons stood by, unmoved spec- 
tators of this scene, as a thing that did not concern them 
in the least; but two Frenchmen, attracted by the noise, 
rushed violently on the Algonquin, and were going to 
kill him, when Father Lalemant interposed, representing 
the consequences that might ensue from the death of this 
man. He added that it was better to tell the Hurons 
plainly that the Governor-General would hold them 
responsible if anything befell a missionary confided to 
them; and the Frenchmen followed the advice. 

"The Hurons then held a council, after which they 
told the Algonquins that Father Lalemant was under 
their safeguard. This declaration at first had no great 
effect, and as those who made it went no further without 
sustaining the Frenchmen, and the Algonquin was well 
attended, the missionary was still for a time in very great 
danger. At last, seeing the savage a little calmer, either 
because weariness had mitigated his fury, or because he 
had really never intended to go to extremes, the Hurons 
told him that if he would release the Father they would 
cover the dead man — that is to say, would make him 
some present — to console him for the loss of his kins- 
man. This proposal completely calmed him. The 
Hurons gave him some furs, calculating shrewdly that 
they would be no loosers, and at once embarked with the 

"This was not the only unpleasant adventure that 
befell Father Lalemant on this voyage, and there was 
not one of his fellow missionaries who did not experience 
something of the kind." 

In spite of this, however, the missionaries continued 
with zealous persistence to offer the consolation of reli- 
gion to their savage persecutors, and to do everything 
in their power to win them from their gloomy and unre- 
pentant condition to one of moral ascendency and spirit- 
ual progress. It was, in fact, their sole object and aim 
in life to humbly and uncomplainingly bear the cross 
and its attendant sufferings, rejoicing even when in direst 
necessity, did the result but strengthen their hopes by 
bringing a sinner to the foot of the cross. Call it what 



you please; view it from whatever standpoint you may 
desire; regard it with general commiseration, or frown 
upon it as a needless waste of energy and life, and yet as 
age makes dim the vista of its accomplishment, and the 
personality of those who wrought is lost amidst the 
length and breadth of centuries, the echo of their still 
resounding foot-falls, the breath of their ceaseless exhor- 
tations, the sigh of their martyred and departing spirits, 
live on to tell the magnitude of the undertaking and 
the glory of its achievement. 

They went forth to battle for the right, and having 
placed their hand to the plough, not one moment of time 
remained to them but was devoted to the cause they so 
faithfully upheld. From early morning until late at 
night, they labored continuously, calmly enduring what- 
ever fate might be their portion, and sparing themselves 
in nothing, so long as the work be carried forward to an 
abundant harvest. In this great undertaking in which 
each had his allotted duties to perform, some, we are 
told, visited the sick, others went out into the fields and 
cultivated the soil, while some persisted in their mission- 
ary labors, journeying throughout the country from 
town to town, and thus affording those located at the 
remotest distances from the mission an opportunity of 
acquiring some knowledge of the Christian religion and 
its purposes. 

The very fact of this activity on the part of the mis- 
sionary Fathers had its good effect, for the reason that 
through their continued presence among them the 
Indians became more accustomed to their manners and 
actions so that they no longer regarded their every move- 
ment as having some sinister intent. Gradually, indeed, 
their useless prejudices gave way before the refining 
influences of civilization. They readily agreed to the 
baptism of their children, and though tenacious of pre- 
vious customs, became more susceptible to religious 
influences themselves when ailing. In fact, so tractable 
had many of them become that instances where indi- 
viduals absented themselves from the Sacraments for an 
entire week became the exception. Then again the 
Indians had come to appreciate the wonderful healing 
qualities of the medicines offered to them when sick, 
learned to welcome the missionaries' gentle ministrations, 
and in many different ways expressed their confidence 
and good will. Thus an altogether better feeling was 
aroused among the natives, which resulted to a certain 
■extent in bettering their condition by causing them to not 
only see the fallacy of many of their superstitious views 
and customs, but to totally abandon many of them for 
ways more decorous and in every respect better suited to 
their more enlightened condition. 

During this period of evolution, one at least of '.he 
missionaries remained in the village or town, conduct- 

ing religious services with exacting regularity, maintain- 
ing the schools and attending to the moral enlightenment 
of the many Indians who from curiosity or an earnest 
desire to obtain a more thorough knowledge of the 
Christian religion continually thronged about the mis- 
sion. It was indeed an interesting study to note the 
workings of these minds, so immature in all pertaining 
to a civilized understanding as well as working under 
the bonds of an education and surroundings fraught with 
the superstition of generations. And so towards the close 
of each recurring day they gathered together in solemn 
conference, making known their individual doubts, as 
well as impressions concerning what they had heard or 
had been taught. These occasions pertain more espe- 
cially to meetings led by the neophytes and proselytes, 
which were always conducted in the little mission, 
for when a general meeting was to be called one of the 
missionaries with bell in hand would go around through 
the entire village and immediate vicinity, calling ear- 
nestly upon every one to follow him, and listen to the 
words about to be spoken for their benefit. Generally 
speaking, a large number would gather together on such 
occasions and listen respectfully to the exhortations of 
the missionaries, and the Relations tell us that but few 
indeed were the occasions when a number were not won 
over to the cause of true religion. 

While following along this line of thought, it may not' 
be amiss to make a special reference to the many obsta- 
cles thrown in the way of the missionaries in their efforts 
to convert the Indians of the Northwest. One writer 
insists that such an explanation is necessary from the 
fact that there were many to be found who implicitly 
believed in the statement that the opposition met with 
by the missionaries was neither so powerful nor far- 
reaching as had been asserted. As regards his own 
views, however, he believes that he has at least done 
justice to all, and that "those who are of the persuasion 
that the Faith has made no progress among those 
Indians," cannot accuse him of having "dissembled 
them," while he feels equally certain that he cannot be 
charged with "exaggerating the energies, the sufferings, 
and the perseverance of the apostolic laborers, who have 
irrigated with their sweat and blood this part of the vine- 
yard, which the Father of the family had confided to 
them." He, however, goes on to say: "All New France 
for more than a century renders so public a testimony 
to the severe and truly apostolic lives which they led, 
and the eminent sanctity of many, that it cannot be 
allowed to doubt, and is impossible to deny." 

Such unreasonable doubters might in all fairness be 
called upon for an explanation as full and unreserved as 
that which has marked the course of those whose 
writings and authorities they have sought to belittle. The 


position taken by them, however, is most ably stated and 
answered by Charlevoix, whose views upon that subject 
we proceed to quote: "Experience teaches us that three 
sorts of persons will be extremely on their guard on all 
these points. Those who have known Indians, while 
agreeing that they are not devoid of a kind of ability, 
maintain that they are altogether limited as to all that 
does not fall under their senses, or has no relation to 
their affairs, of which the sphere is very restricted; when 
they conclude that it is impossible to impress them suffi- 
ciently with the great truths of our religion to make even 
ordinary Christians. Others, regarding only the dis- 
sembling and unstable character of these Indians, imag- 
ine that they cannot be gained and fixed so as to ground 
them in the sincere practice of Christian virtues. A third 
class proclaim against the very name of all that surpasses 
the ordinary strength and course of nature; and if we see 
them daily treat as false the best attested miracles most 
solemnly approved by the Church, with what hauteur 
then will they not reject all related in this sort of Chris- 
tendom composed of neophytes who had, they will say, 
to be made men before they could be rendered adorers of 
Jesus Christ! 

"But none of these reflect sufficiently, ist. That 
the conversion of an infidel as well as the conversion of 
a sinner can be the work of grace alone, before which 
obstacles disappear, whether the greatest or the least. It 
overcame the Jews, to whom Christ crucified was a 
stumbling block; and the Gentiles, who regarded His 
cross as folly. It can raise up children to Abraham from 
the very stones (Matt. iii. 9) — that is to say, make the 
most lively faith and ardent charity germinate in the 
hardest hearts and most brutish minds. And should 
prejudice go so far as to doubt, with some, whether the 
American Indians are men, may we not answer with 
the most celebrated doctors of the Church: 'Man and 
beast Thou wilt preserve, O Lord.' (Ps. xxxv. 7.) Now 
that the all-powerful operation of grace has wrought 
these great changes, is it lawful for any man to set limits 
to it, and say that it could not raise these new Chris- 
tians to the most eminent sanctity, if they were but 
faithful to it ? 

"2d. That the promise made by the Savior of the 
world to his disciples, whether for the conversion of the 
world or the supernatural means by which he was to 
cooperate with them, applies to all who, till the flock of 
the elect is gathered together, receive a lawful mission to 
labor for this assembling. If miracles, according to Sr. 
Augustine, were necessary in the commencement of the 
Church, they are by the same principle in all nascent 
churches; and the power of casting out evil spirits, 
granted, not to the first preachers of the Gospel alone, 
but to the faithful, and which forms part of the deposit 

intrusted to the Church at all times, presupposes the 
empire of the evil spirits over all who have not received 
the sacred character imprinted on us by the Sacrament 
of Regeneration. 

"3rd. That of all nations in the world, there is none 
for which the kingdom of Heaven is not open (Matt, 
xxviii. 18), nor to which the Apostles and their suc- 
cessors were not expressly enjoined to announce the 
Gospel — 'Teach ye all nations'; and that to attempt to 
exclude a single one from the benefit of redemption and 
the treasures of Heaven which it contains, would be to 
gainsay the whole Bible, which speaks in the most 
formal terms on the point. 

"They may say, then, what they list to dim the glory 
of the Apostles of the New World, but they cannot deny 
that they are of those to whom our Lord has said 'Go, 
teach all nations.' If they did not receive their mission 
immediately from Him, they received it from those who 
had authority to give it; and intrusted with an impor- 
tant part of the work, could rely on the same aid, and be 
assured of the same assistance from Him who promised 
to be with those sent to preach His law to the end of 
time. Nay, more. The august ministry with which they 
were honored would naturally form in our minds this 
preconceived idea, that they were in general what they 
should have been; and all that we relate of their heroic 
virtues — of what they did and suffered in the exercise of 
the ministry — is so probable that we might be surprised 
if they were not such men. Only those who venture to 
assert that, in spite of our Saviour's promise, the gates of 
hell have prevailed against the Church, can refuse to 
acknowledge that she has still, and will have to the end, 
apostles, martyrs, saints, in all conditions and countries 
to which her sway extends, and that the power of 
miracles will never fail her." 

But it must be remembered that, though quoted 
extensively as regards their experience among the 
Huron tribes, the missionaries by no means limited the 
field of their operations to that people. For be it under- 
stood, their scheme of civilization was a general one, 
promising a generous distribution of religious teachings 
and administration throughout the entire length and 
breadth of the land, including, without reserve or one 
sign of partiality, all tribes and conditions of people. 
Naturally such an undertaking adopted upon so broad a 
scale engendered numerous difficulties and augmented 
dangers inasmuch as not every tribe by any means would 
prove so tractable and amenable to common-sense rea- 
soning and gentle treatment as the Hurons. Particularly 
might we cite as an instance of this the Iroquois, who 
were naturally of a more aggressive and warlike dispo- 
sition, while their worst passions and strongest animos- 
ity had been aroused against the French by Champlain's 


action in needlessly taking sides in the numerous 
embroilments which occurred between them and the 
Hurons.. So bitter and deeply seated became their ani- 
mosity towards the French, that they availed themselves 
of every possible condition known to their craft and pecu- 
liar methods of warfare to utterly annihilate them from 
the land. Nor did they in carrying out their design 
resort with any frequency to subterfuge, being plain 
spoken and openly aggressive. The only marked excep- 
tion to this rule of which we have any remembrance 
being in their endeavors to form an alliance with the 
French, which was undoubtedly done with a view to 
breaking up the cooperation existing between them and 
the Hurons, thereby materially weakening the forces of 
both parties. But that they were sincere in a desire for 
enduring peace relations, is hardly to be believed, par- 
ticularly in view of the many atrocities committed by 
them under the guise of friendship against the Hurons. 

We find, then, that at Three Rivers the missionaries 
were administering to the spiritual condition, not only of 
the Algonquins, but a number of tribes as well who came 
to the settlement from the far north, remaining there for 
a considerable period, or at least so long as the season 
was propitious. Noticeable among the different tribes or 
clans were the Attikamegues 1 who lived in the Lake St. 
Thomas region. 

Fortunately these people were of a tractable dispo- 
sition and seemed easy of direction, although the prog- 
ress of spiritual inculcation was necessarily slow and 
laborious. Flowever, they were thoroughly well pleased 
with the French, and attached themselves to them with a 
persistency that overruled all attempts to direct their alle- 
giance in other directions. Without doubt a continuous 
residence among them meant their ready conversion to 
the Christian faith. But here was where the first diffi- 
culty arose, for when the bad weather and dark bitter 
days of winter set in, they returned to their homes, there 
to await the coming of another spring. To people of their 
limited mental capacity, the interim meant not only a 
lack of progression, but a condition of easy forgetfulness, 
which left them almost as ignorant and unapproach- 
able as when first the missionaries took their spiritual 
training in charge. As to the mission at Tadoussac, 
affairs remained about the same, it continuing to be the 
chief rendezvous for nearly all of the tribes in that 

Montagnes; below the gulf lay the Gaspesians ami Mi. macs or Souri- 
quois, occupying I lie present colonies of New lirunswiek and Nova Scotia. 
Maine was occupied by the tribe of the Abnakis, the head waters of the 
at by the Sok.ikis. while along the St 
gonquins, properly so .ailed, with the 
their own lake, and the Attikamegues above Thn 

West still the oiiawas and Chippewas lay near the outlay of Lake 
Superior, while below lived the Menomonee, the Sac, the Fox, the Kika- 
poo, the Masrouien; and round the circling shore of Lake Michigan were 
the numerous clans of the Illinois and Miamis, who have left their names 
to the territory which they possessed.— Shea's Catholic Missions. 

region, although the Montagnes, the Papinachois, the 
Brisciamites and Porcupines were most prominent, as all 
did the greater portion of their trading at that post. The 
population at Tadoussac, however, was largely tran- 
sient, the greater portion of the Indians congregating 
there, returning home as soon as their trading had been 
accomplished. Thus, to facilitate matters, it frequently 
occurred that the missionaries in their excessive zeal 
and desire to improve their conditions and carry conver- 
sion to the hearts of the savages, would accompany them 
on their hunting expeditions, which often led them 
into most gloomy and unapproachable localities, where, 
owing to the natural surroundings, game was certain to 
be plentiful. Quite a number of the Iroquois, however, 
would take up their winter quarters in the neighbor- 
hood of Tadoussac, thus affording continuous labor for 
the missionaries remaining there. 

Other favorite resorts much frequented by the natives 
at certain periods of the year were to be found along the 
shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and at Miscou Island, 
where the fishing was known to be excellent. Here 
undoubtedly a successful and remunerative trading post 
might have been established, but unfortunately affairs 
were mismanaged to such an extent that the private 
gains of individuals overruled the desire for general 
advancement which should have certainly prevailed 
among the colonists. In fact, concerted action meant 
much to them had they but taken the time to give due 
consideration to that all-important measure, for a series 
of well conducted posts meant augmented safety to the 
entire colony, and of that they were lamentably in need. 
As a result of this indifference on the part of the colo- 
nists or a dominating desire for individual accumulation, 
the settlement utterly failed to obtain any lasting good 
or even momentary benefit from the business done, the 
trade in fishing and furs proving particularly unpro- 
ductive. The Indians who visited this post most fre- 
quently and in the largest numbers were the same as 
those of Acadia, although more generally known as Gas- 
pesians, having acquired that name from the fact '.hat 
they came from the vicinity of Cape Gaspe, where a 
majority of vessels first called and anchored. In dispo- 
sition they were mild, and their confidence was easily 
acquired, but owing to the nomadic character of the life 
they led it was next to impossible for the missionaries to 
make anv lasting impressions upon them, or to instruct 
them in the ways or truths of a religious life. 

To men of less thoroughly firm convictions and deter- 
mination, the results of such labors as those performed 
by the missionary fathers would have proved discour- 
aging indeed. But with them the effect was entirely 
different, their every action or remark pertaining to the 
work evincing the liveliest interest and most worthy and 


■commendable pride in the undertaking. Here in the 
midst of peril and privation it was no unusual thing for 
them to yield up their lives uncomplainingly to the 
Cause, not as butchered innocents or martyrs, as alas far 
too many have done, but through absolute physical dis- 
ability to bear up under the self-imposed task and cease- 
less round of duties which each of them not only will- 
ingly but eagerly took upon themselves to perform. Such 
an instance is afforded in the case of Father Charles 
Tursis, who died of hardship and exposure on the island 
of Miscou, yet in two preceding years of personal 
effort among the Indians he had succeeded in baptising 
but one child. Nor were others laboring in the same 
locality more successful, Fathers Julian Perroult md 
Martin Lionnes being among the number. The only 
feasible plan, although one which incurred great danger 
and privation, was adopted by the missionaries who, fully 
realizing that it would be impossible to retain the Indians 
in one locality for any length of time, followed them from 
place to place, joining in their hunting expeditions, and 
in fact by every means available maintaining the closest 
possible relations with them. But even in spite of such 
heroic efforts and faithful services on their part, the 
result accomplished seemed meager in the extreme. 
Finally, when almost despairing of further improvement 
in the general condition of affairs, means were devised 
by which the Indians were to be brought into a state of 
semi-subjection, when it was hoped a firmer and more 
lasting hold might be obtained upon them. This \vas 
undertaken in the adoption of a plan for colonization 
which was later brought into such admirable and active 
practice at Sylleri. 

But this progressive condition into which certain 
tribes may be said to have been led, while limited in its 
sphere and never regarded with any degree of certainty 
as to its length of duration, was only arrived at after 
years of unrelenting toil and anxiety. After acquainting 
themselves pretty thoroughly with the many peculiar 
•characteristics pertaining to the Indians, the mission- 
aries had arrived at the firm conviction that the most 
effective method of reaching them was through the -irts 
of civilization, and hence that civilization "must precede, 
or step by step accompany every effort to Christianize 
them." The same authority goes on to say, "these two 
agencies may be mutually helpful, but that thus far the 
religious lesson, the condemnation of the faith which V> e 
savages were supposed to hold, and the urgent proffer of 
a substitute for it, had preceded any actual redemption 
of the savage from barbarism to a stage of civilization." 

At about this time — the year 1640 — there was a pecu- 
liar custom involved in following out this religious edu- 
cation of the Indians, which has met with somewhat 
questionable recognition from a number who have writ- 
ten upon that subject. This peculiar characteristic, or 
innovation as perhaps it might better be termed, was first 
referred to as the "worship of the cross," which according 
to Charlevoix is said to have been maintained from time 
immemorial throughout all of the eastern part of Canada. 
Regarding this peculiar rite, the historian tells us that 
M. de St. Vallier, Bishop of Quebec, in a letter which he 
published on his return from his first visitation to his 
diocese, speaks of this worship as an attested and indu- 
bitable fact. He has it from the Recollect Father Chris- 
tian le Clerck, who has taken great pains to give it cur- 
rency, but he had as many gainsayers as he has still 
enough readers. Moreover, this religious was the only 
one who had advanced this paradox, known to those who 
had lived among the Indians before him — many of whom 
knew their language and studied their traditions better 
than he was able to do, having discovered nothing of 
the kind. What misled the historian was apparently this: 
A letter of Father Julian Perroult, written in 1635, 
informs us that these Indians took pleasure in imitating 
all that they saw Europeans do; that having especially 
remarked that they even made the sign of the cross on 
themselves, they did the same. When they met a Euro- 
pean, they made the sign of the cross on different parts 
of their body, but without the least idea of its being a 
mark of religion. This custom, already of long date 
when Father Christian le Clerck resided among the Gas- 
pesians, and perhaps become a superstitious practice, 
induced that missionary to believe it was so originally. 
It may also be that, on questioning some of these Indians, 
these savages, often confused in their traditions, have 
perhaps seemed to him to include it amongst their most 

Other authorities pertaining to this somewhat re- 
markable custom state that Bishop St. Vallier (or Yalier 
as some write it), did not quote Father le Clerck, but 
gave as his authority Mr. de Fronsac, a son of Mr. 
Denys, who had obtained his information from an Indian 
who had died some years previously. Le Clerck states 
in his Relation de la Gaspesie that in his time the Indians 
had lost their respect for the Cross, while in the Relation 
de la Nouvelle France, 1635, Father Perroult says they 
painted the cross on their persons. 


Cbc frencb in Canada-gominuei 

The War of the Tribes continued.— In 
the safety of the Colony.— The 1 
The Iroquois meet with a defeat, 
their wonderful Fortitude in sust 

reasing Anxiety of the Settlers for 
oquois destroy a Huron Village.— 
-Baptism of Indian Prisoners, and 
ining the Tortures at the Stake.— 
— Treach- 

Growing Effect of the Missionaries' Work upon the Natives 
ery of the Iroquois and their Powers of Dissimulation.— Attempt of 
the Iroquois to overcome the Prudence of Mr. de Champflours.— 
The new Governor at Three Rivers.— Conference between the French 
and the Iroquois.— Effect of a Band of Algonquin Traders upon the 
Meeting.— Action of the Canadian Company detrimental to the well- 
being of the Colony. — Proposition to establish a French Town on the 
Island of Montreal.— Satisfaction of the Settlers on hearing the News. 
—History of the' Settlement of Montreal, and Something about those 
who furthered that Enterprise. — Fort Richelieu is built near the 
Mouth of the Sorel River.— The Missionaries undertake a new Charge 
in the Country of the Saulteurs, and Fathers Jogues and Raimbaut 
go on a visit to these People.— Their Experience among these 
Tribes.— Their Capture and Treatment by the Iroquois.— Torture.— 
Murder of Rene Goupil.— The Neuter Tribe, and Country occupied by 
them.— They invite the Jesuits to visit them.— Visit of Father 
Chaumonnot and de Brebeuf to their Country, where < 

CHAPTER VI. misfortunes, vieing with each other in their efforts to 

care for them and provide them with suitable raiment and 
provisions, of both of which they were greatly in need. 
In fact, we are told their actions and expressions of sym- 
pathy were such as would have done honor even to a 
Christian people. The example set by these Indians, 
although not necessary, still had its beneficial effect, as 
the missionaries, noting their anxiety and excessive 
kindness, felt beholden to put forth their best efforts in 
behalf of the sufferers, as a result of which they were 
very well cared for indeed. These people, we learn from 
the Relation of 1639, were known by the name of 
Weanohronon or Wenrohronon, their country being 
some eighty leagues from Ossosane on the frontier of 
the Neuters, which was towards the Iroquois, conse- 
quently in New York. Of this occurrence, we are also 
derabie told that the missionaries felt doubly repaid for what- 
ever efforts they had made in behalf of the sufferers, in 
noticing the readiness and good faith with which they 
accepted the teachings of Christianity, giving tacit evi- 
dence that their hearts had been sensibly touched and 
that they had acquired a power of appreciation the like of 
which none of their kind had ever shown before. 

Additional information regarding this welcome and 
noticeable change states further that, not only were they 
danger in order that the work of religious anxious to be instructed and to learn, but that many 
progression might be carried along, the war men who had most persistently ignored the entreaties of 
between the Iroquois and the Huron tribes was con- the missionaries and doubted their protestations were 
tinued with relentless and unabated fury. This caused now foremost and most earnest in their request to be 
an unusual amount of anxiety among the people of the admitted into the ranks of the proselytes, 
colony, who were only too painfully aware of their weak But this was by no means the extreme limit of satis- 

and helpless condition as well as the feelings of antipathy faction that was to follow as a result of that most 
entertained for them by the Iroquois, who were rapidly unhappy event, which had cost them so dearly, for the 
acquiring an autocratic influence among the other tribes, time was not far distant when they were to reap a 

good is Accomplished.— News 
Quebec— His life as Prisoner an 
with Death, but his Release is 
sends him to Manhattan, whe: 
arrives m his native Country 
and much rejoicing. — He receiv 
Pope.— Returns to Quebec. 

of Father Jogues 

ong the Mohawks.— He is threatened 
purchased by a Dutch Officer who 
e he embarks for Holland.— Jogues 
and is received with great Honors 
es a Special Dispensation from the 

HILE the missionaries were straining every 
nerve and incurring all possible kinds of 

It was on one of these predatory incursions of theirs 
that a war party of the Iroquois fell in with a distantly 
located family of the Hurons, whom they at once ruth- 
lessly committed to the sword. It was a terrible 
slaughter, people of both sexes and all ages becoming 
welcome victims to their merciless oppressors. Indeed, 

revenge in every way more commensurate with the loss 
they had sustained. In saying this we do not desire to 
convey the idea that revenge is to be considered as a 
desirable qualification, but rather that it proved bene- 
ficial as a means to an end, for in a subsequent success 
in arms against the Iroquois the Hurons saw but a sign 

so general was the massacre that but very few escaped to f approbation from the Deity whose religion they had 
bear the story of their annihilation to the far-off lodges but recently espoused, and as a result awarded to Him 
of their people. Here, in a worn-out and generally and the missionaries the consideration believed to be due 
deplorable condition, they met with the kindliest recep- to them for bringing about that favorable condition of 
tion, the people of their tribe, having learned of their affairs. 



As stated, it was not long after the reception of these 
■exiles by the main tribe that the advance guard of a 
number of Huron and Algonquin braves came in contact 
with a considerably larger party of Iroquois and an 
•encounter resulted in which one of the former was made 
prisoner. The Iroquois, not desirous of tempting the 
chances of fate by awaiting the arrival of a larger body, 
which they suspected were in the vicinity, were about to 
retreat when they were informed by their prisoner that 
his entire party was much inferior in numbers to that of 
his captors. Believing his story, they therefore awaited 
the coming of the enemy, the result of the meeting being 
graphically described by Charlevoix, as follows: "The 
Hurons and Algonquins soon appeared; and the Iro- 
quois, desperate at being thus duped, wreaked fearful but 
not unexpected vengeance on him who had involved 
them in such a disaster. The majority then counseled 
flight; but a brave, raising his voice, said: 'Brothers, if 
we resolve to commit such an act of cowardice, at least 
wait till the sun sinks in the west, that he may not see 
us.' These few words had their effect They resolved 
to fight to their last breath, and did so with all the cour- 
age that could be inspired by hate, and the fear of dis- 
honor by fleeing from enemies so often vanquished; but 
they were opposed to men who were not inferior to 
them in courage, and were here three to one. 

"After a very stubborn fight, seventeen or eighteen 
Iroquois were left on the field, their intrenchment 
stormed, and all the survivors disarmed and taken. The 
Hurons took to their village the captives that fell to their 
lot, and outdid themselves in cruelty to these wretches; 
Dut God seems to have permitted their misfortune to 
display His mercy in their regard. The missionaries 
who were accorded liberty to converse with them freely, 
iound their docility astonishing. They instructed them 
sufficiently in our Holy Mysteries, and baptized them all. 
These neophytes then sustained the frightful torture to 
which they were subjected — not with that brutal insensi- 
bility and ferocious pride in which these savages glory 
•on such occasions, but with patience, sentiments and 
courage worthy of Christianity, and which their execu- 
tioners could not fail to attribute to the power of Bap- 

Thus under such peculiar circumstances were the 
interests of religion advanced among the Indians, for it 
will be readily understood that the very pleasing results 
which followed this overwhelming defeat of the enemy 
aroused a certain prejudice among the aborigines which 
greatly favored the cause of religion, leading them to 
more openly avow their interest and belief in the new 
faith than they had heretofore done. In fact, the fight 
against the innovation of Christianity had been carried 
on almost as actively as heretofore, although undoubt- 

edly the personal demonstrations had not been as 
marked or aggressive as formerly. The work of absolute 
conviction, however, was of slow and tedious growth, 
and when a Christian fell sick determined indeed were 
the efforts made to induce him to send for the "medicine 
man" of the tribe in preference to the priest. In many 
instances those converted to the faith were induced to 
return to their old customs and beliefs, overcome by the 
energy and display of those charlatans who, posing under 
the guise of seers and men of wisdom, imposed upon 
their limited understanding, or rather, as might more 
truthfully be said, upon their fears. The lot of the mis- 
sionaries would have undoubtedly been less vague and 
uncertain and their condition greatly improved had it not 
been for the lack of concerted effort on the part of the 
allied tribes against the common foe. The trouble, we 
believe, was that they took too much for granted, and 
having gained a slight advantage were prone to believe 
that the enemy would desist from further attempts at 
conquest. This, as we are all aware, was a most falla- 
cious and disastrous argument, as, contrary to their 
opinion, it had just the opposite effect upon the Iroquois, 
who, overcome by the shame wrought upon them in 
suffering defeat at the hands of the Hurons, left no stone 
unturned to regain their former prestige in their opinion. 
Therefore, no journey was too long or arduous, no 
undertaking too dangerous for them to attempt, in order 
that they might in an overwhelming defeat' of the enemy 
crush out the memory of their own former want of suc- 
cess. It were better indeed had the Hurons taken to 
themselves the understanding that so long as one Iro- 
quois remained in the land, just so long would they have 
an active, aggressive and unforgiving enemy to contend 
with. Under such circumstances, being fully their equal 
in numbers, and valiant and unflinching warriors, they 
might have acquired a power, if not surpassing, at least 
second to none in the country. But, unfortunately, they 
were of more desultory habits and having won a fight 
were content to rest upon their laurels, and failing to 
apply a natural amount of caution in their deliberations, 
seemed only too willing to accept as whole-souled and 
honest the flattering proposals of peace which were, 
from time to time, held out to them by the Iroquois. So 
it is not to be wondered at that the allies soon lost all of 
the prestige gained by their momentary success, for 
while they were lingering around their villages satiated 
with the victory acquired as well as contempt for their 
enemies, the Iroquois were busily engaged in preparing 
for vengeance. But it was not to an immediate and 
crushing defeat that they looked forward. They were 
altogether too diplomatic to make any such attempt, 
believing that by a certain amount of well-planned dis- 
simulation they could, at least, keep the French in a 


condition of neutrality while preparing for a downward esty the scruples of their antagonists. In this instance 

swoop upon the Hurons. To this end they sent out a the envoys having been properly seated in the council 

body of some three hundred warriors, the same being lodge, the prisoners were brought to them slightly 

divided into a number of bands who roamed the country bound. Then a war chief arose and in the choicest and 

over, treating all the Indians who came their way with most flowery language at his command endeavored to 

the utmost inhumanity, while, on the contrary, all of the impress upon his hearers the fact that his nation could 

French they met with were allowed to go unharmed. At never be made so supremely happy as by living in peace 

the same time, they were fully prepared for any emer- and friendship with the French. "Then," says Charle- 

gency as was evidenced in the large parties which for a 
considerable period hovered around the neighborhood 
of Three Rivers, watching intently and with the utmost 
interest every movement made by the settlers. The 
second move in their attempt to widen the breach 
between the French and the Indians came in the form of 
a proposition for peace, which, however, they desired 
understood should not include the allies. This advance 
was made to Mr. de Champfleur, who had before for a 
short time been located at Three Rivers as Governor, in 
which office he was preceded by the Chevalier de Lisle. 
The matter was all very craftily arranged, the request 
being made by a Frenchman named Marguerie, who 
had for some time been a prisoner in the hands of the 
Iroquois and had been released in order that he might 
convey this message. Naturally, as may be expected, 
he as well as those who accompanied him had nothing, 
but praise to say in regard to the treatment they had 
received from the savages, which was necessarily a part 
of their plan of action. In trying to coerce the French 
he was, however, frank in giving as his opinion that it 
would hardly be judicious for the settlement to seriously 
consider the matter. Here the French again found 
themselves in a somewhat unpleasant predicament, being 
in a condition which far from warranted their taking an 
aggressive position, while it was in no wise their desire 
to enter into closer relations with the crafty Iroquois. 
However, of the two evils they chose what seemed to 
them to be the least. 

Commencing negotiations with them so that they 
could at least gain time until perhaps something might 
transpire by which they could be guided in conducting 
further deliberations, Governor Champfleur prepared 
for subsequent emergencies by notifying the Chevalier 
de Montmagny, who at once came to Three Rivers with 
a well-armed force, while Sieur Nicolet and Father 
Ragueneau were sent to the camp of the Iroquois, 
requesting them to send back the French prisoners they 
had retained as well as to learn more definitely their 
desires as regards the treaty of peace. These envoys 
were received with distinction and courtesy. What fol- 
lows makes plain the tactfulness with which these 
Indians approached a subject of importance, as well 
as the extent of duplicity applied by them in their 
endeavors to overcome with a superabundance of hon- 

voix, "in the midst of his discourse he approached the 
prisoners, unbound them and flung their bounds over 
the palisade, saying: 'Let the river carry them so far 
that they be not spoken of.' At the same time he pre- 
sented a belt to the two deputies and begged them to 
receive it as a pledge of the liberty which he restored to 
the children of Ononthio (Great Mountain, a name given 
to Chevalier de Montmagny by the Hurons and Iro- 
quois). Then taking two packs of beaver, he laid them 
at the feet of the prisoners, adding that it was unreason- 
able to send them back naked, and that he gave them 
material for robes. He then resumed his discourse and 
said that all the Iroquois cantons urgently desired a 
durable peace with the French and that in their name he 
begged Ononthio to hide under his clothes the hatchets 
of the Algonquins and Hurons while the peace was in 
negotiation ; declaring that on their side they would com- 
mit no hostility. 

"He was still speaking when two Algonquin canoes- 
appeared in sight of the spot where the council was held, 
and the Iroquois gave them chase. The Algonquins, 
seeing no prospect of resisting so large a force, jumped 
overboard and swam away, leaving their canoes, which 
were plundered before the eyes of the Governor-General. 
This outrage showed how little reliance could be placed 
on the word of these savages, and negotiations were 
broken off at once." 

Thus once again the treachery and unreliability of the 
Iroquois nation was made plain to the settlers, to whom 
the inference alone was left that under no conditions 
whatever were these people to be trusted. In fact the 
Iroquois acted as though they cared but little as to how 
their actions were taken by the French, treating them 
with the utmost indifference and marked insolence. To 
bring them to time for such continued and unwarranted 
ill-behavior was of course impossible, and the unhappy 
condition and chagrin of the Chevalier de Montmagny 
was by no means lessened or improved when it became 
known to him that at about this time a number of Huron 
canoes laden with furs and coming down from Quebec 
had fallen into the hands of the enemy and been seques- 
trated by them. To a man of the somewhat exalted char- 
acteristics attributed to the Chevalier de Montmagny 
such a condition of affairs must indeed have been dis- 
heartening, he being fully aware of the fact that, while 



in his present condition he was but barely able to act as 
a balance between the Hurons and the Iroquois, 
with a force of from 4,000 to 5,000 Frenchmen at 
his command he could have controlled the entire 
Indian horde. These, however, could only be obtained 
through the influence of the Company of One Hundred, 
a society who were fain, however, to remain in their 
previous condition of semi-indifference as regards the 
colony and the welfare of the settlers. It is not to b'J 
wondered at, therefore, that New France experienced 
a serious decline, its already limited numbers becoming 
lessened day by day. To those who had settled the 
country and thoroughly investigated its numerous 
resources, the action of the Company was inexplicable, 
as with a few more resources at their command, and the 
firmer backing which the Company could well and easily 
have afforded, there is no reason whatever but that the 
colony should have taken on a remarkable growth and 
acquired much value to those who had interests invested 
there. As it was, things appeared to be in a very deplor- 
able condition, and there is no telling to what extent the 
decline might have gone had it not been for a slight 
revival in the general interest taken in the matter by the 
settlement of the Island of Montreal. This seemed 
to be regarded as a very desirable move, a majority of 
the missionaries having long regarded the establishment 
of a colony on this island as most necessary. The Com- 
pany, however, had adverse views regarding the under- 
taking, in consequence of which it had been delayed 
until a majority of those most interested had come to 
the opinion that it could not possibly be brought about; 
that is, most assuredly, if the affairs of the country 
remained in the hands of those who then controlled 
them. Fortunately for the interest of the colony, there 
were, however, a few individuals left who were not so 
absolutely and naturally wrapt up in self and selfish 
interests as to ignore the possibilities of general advan- 
tage to be gained aside from what business might 
accrue to individuals furthering or promoting the under- 
taking. Nor was this the only consideration the design 
received, for while the members of the Canadian Com- 
pany were noted for their unanimity in furthering their 
individual interests in the colony, they had never sc 
much as given a second thought to the primary object 
of its settlement, the conversion of the savages to the 
Christian religion. Those who now took up the matter. 
however, that is, as far as the Island of Montreal was 
concerned, were people who were noted to a consider- 
able extent for their zeal and piety, and they, having 
learned of the true condition of affairs and satisfied them- 
selves as to the reliability of the authorities given, formed 
a society by means of which it was proposed to conduct 
on an extensive scale at Montreal what had already been 

brought to a successful issue, but in a more moderate 
way, at Sylleri. The idea as formulated was that a 
French town should be established on the island, the 
same being well and sufficiently manned and fortified to 
resent any encroachments that might be attempted upon 
it. Here, also, provisions were to be made for the recep- 
tion of a large number of poor people who were to be 
given an opportunity to gain their livelihood by honest 
labor. The rest of the island was to be divided off into 
sections which were to be given up to the occupancy of 
Indians, irrespective of the tribe to which they belonged, 
provided they had made an earnest profession of Chris- 
tianity or truly desired instruction in the Christian 

The Association was formed of thirty-five members 
(some say forty, and others that the exact number is not 
known), who under a grant from the king took posses- 
sion of the island in 1640. During the following year, 
Paul de Chomedey, Sieur de Maisonneuve of Cham- 
pagne, himself a member of the Association, started for 
the new settlement, accompanied by a number of fam- 
ilies. There also went with him a Mademoiselle de 
Manse, a lady of good family who> had been appointed 
to look after the interests of those of her sex. Upon 
arriving at Quebec, they were received by the Chevalier 
de Montmagny and Superior-General of the Jesuits, who 
went with them to Montreal, where on the 15th day of 
October, 1641, De Maisonneuve was duly declared Gov- 
ernor of the island. Soon after their arrival a site was 
selected for the proposed settlement, which was duly 
blessed by the Rev. Bartholomew Vimont on the 17th day 
of May, 1642, who also celebrated Mass at this time and 
dedicated a little chapel to St. Mary which had been 
erected there and in which he left the Blessed Sacrament. 
In connection with this undertaking, it may be also inter- 
esting to note that this gathering and dedication had 
been preceded by one held towards the end of February, 
when all of the members of the Association went to the 
Church of Notre Dame, Paris, where Mass was said in 
honor of the undertaking. In addition to this, further 
religious services were held on the island on August 15, 
1642, on which occasion there were present a large num- 
ber of French and Indians. It was on the latter occasion 
that Governor de Maisonneuve was informed by two old 
Indians that they formed part of the remnants of a 
nation which had formerly inhabited the island, from 
which their ancestors had been driven by the Hurons 
many years before. This tribe referred to were, it is 
believed, the Iroquois, although Charlevoix supposes 
them to be Hurons. Referring to Charlevoix's brief 
account of the settlement of the island, Shea says that 
when the former wrote nothing had been published 
bearing on the settlement of that island except the tract. 



"Les Veritables Motifs," which appeared in 1674. The 
Society of Montreal published no statements, and the 
Sulpitians had not the rule of writing to their superiors, 
which, established by St. Ignatius in the case of the 
Jesuits in order to keep alive the feeling of brotherhood 
and edification among the widely scattered members of 
the order, has led to the preservation of so much infor- 
mation. "The early history of the movement," con- 
tinues the writer, "has, however, in our day found an 
investigator and chronicler in the laborious zeal of Mr. 
Faillon of Sulpice, who has issued a series of valuable 
works all bearing on the history of Montreal. The first 
one, according to this writer, impelled to undertake rhe 
settlement was a gentleman named Jerome le Royer de 
la Dauversiere, of le Fleche, in Anjou. The second 
similarly moved in 1636 was a young clergyman, Rev. 
John James Olier, who subsequently instituted the Semi- 
nary of St. Sulpice, at Paris. They finally met and 
resolved to obey the common inspiration. The next to 
join was Peter Chevrier, Baron of Faucamp, who, in 
1640, sent out provisions and tools to Quebec to serve 
for the coming settlers. The celebrated Baron de Renty 
and two others were subsequently associated. John de 
Lauson, the proprietor of the Island of Montreal, 
induced by the Rev. Father Charles Lalemant, ceded it 
to these gentlemen August 17, 1640. To remove all 
doubts, the associates also received a grant from the 
New France Company on December 17, 1640; ratified 
and approved by the King February 13, 1644; the asso- 
ciates engaged to send out forty settlers to be employed 
in clearing and cultivating the land; to increase the 
number annually; to supply them with sloops, cattle, 
farm hands; after five years to erect a seminary, main- 
tain ecclesiastics as teachers and missionaries, also nuns 
and hospitallers. On its side, the New France Company 
agreed to transport thirty settlers, the six associates then 
contributing twenty-five thousand crowns to begin the 
settlement; and Mr. de Maisonneuve embarked with his 
colonists on two vessels for Rochelle and Dieppe." It is 
further stated that in consequence of the danger accruing 
from the near presence of a number of bands of the 
Iroquois the Chevalier de Montmagny used every effort 
to persuade Mr. de Maisonneuve to remain at Quebec 
during the winter. All of these offers, however, he 

Of the Rev. John James Olier de Verneuil, one of the 
first to undertake this plan of settlement, we learn that 
he was born in Paris on September 20, 1618, and was 
second son to James Olier, who was secretary to King 
Henry IV., and master of requests in the King's palace. 
After a careful education under his father's direction, he 
embraced the ecclesiastical state, and became immedi- 
ately connected with St. Vincent de Paul, interested by 


whose example he began to give missions in Auvergne, 
where he held the abbey of Pebrac. Refusing a bishopric 
and coadjutatorship at Chalons sur Marne, he accepted 
the parish of St. Sulpice at Paris in 1642, then in great 
disorder. Aided by some clergymen with whom he had 
lived in community at Vaugirard, he entirely reformed 
his parish and then began a long contemplated work, 
the founding of a theological seminary for the practical 
training of candidates for the priesthood. This he effected 
with royal approbation in 1645. His institute, known as 
the Seminary of St. Sulpice, has rendered immense 
service to religion, and soon led to similar establish- 
ments in other parts of France, under the direction of his 
community, commonly styled "Sulpitians." In America 
they have seminaries at Montreal and Baltimore. 

Mr. Olier resigned this parish in 1652, and retired to 
his seminary, where he died April 2, 1657, at the age of 
forty-nine, revered by the best and holiest men in France. 
He wrote a "Treatise on Holy Orders," "A Christian 
Catechism of the Interior Life," and "A Christian's 
Days," while many of his letters have also been pub- 

In spite of the reinforcements brought to the colony 
in the settlement of Montreal, the people as well as de 
Montmagny were much disturbed by the actions of the 
Iroquois, whose insulting attitude towards the Governor 
and utter disregard of both pledges and promises, made 
it evident that their intentions were of anything but a 
pacificatory character. Indeed, the situation was viewed 
on every hand as most serious and alarming, and conse- 
quently every precaution was taken to make their posi- 
tion as safe as possible. The wisdom of this act on the 
part of de Montmagny certainly cannot be called into 
question, as in addition to the matter of self-reliance 
exhibited by the savages, their efforts to discomfit the 
French were heartily supported and endorsed by the 
Dutch of New Netherland, who, while not coming- out in 
open declaration in favor of their actions, at least sup- 
plied them with the necessary munitions with which to 
maintain their aggressive attitude towards the French. 
After long and careful deliberation on their part, 
the people decided to erect a fort at or near to the mouth 
of the Sorel river, that being the course generally followed 
by the Iroquois in their numerous descents into the 
colony. The task was by no means an easy one, and 
although the building was finally completed, the work 
was accomplished only under the most trying circum- 
stances, a continual interference being kept up by a 
large body of Iroquois, who only too thoroughly appre- 
ciated the value that such a structure would prove 
against them, and as a protection to the colony. In fact 
they were vehement in their efforts to delay the work, 
lying in ambush, and harrassing the workmen at most 


unexpected periods, although they not only failed in 
each effort to materially delay the work, but met with 
considerable loss besides. When complete the fort was 
given the name of Richelieu, and was thoroughly well 
garrisoned and provisioned. 

All of this work had been carried out and accom- 
plished without the assistance or even abetment of the 
Canadian Company, who, had they followed any other 
than this "penny wise and pound foolish" policy of theirs, 
would have aided to an almost incalculable extent in the 
material growth and prosperity of the colony. Taken 
altogether, it is a question if a more propitious time for 
such arrangements could have been found, as a large 
majority of the Hurons were then in closer relations 
with the missionaries than they had been at any period 
previously, many of them having expressed an unquali- 
fied desire to become Christians. Thus, it will be readily 
seen that the attitude of the French and their evident 
aggressive intentions towards the Iroquois must have 
acted beneficiously upon the Hurons, who, fearful of the 
power of their general enemy, saw in this bold assertion 
of their rights a more enduring protection for them- 
selves. Such an effect, in fact, did this have upon the 
Hurons that, aside from the natural inclination of many 
of them to embrace the Christian faith, it brought others 
under the domination of the "black-gowns," among 
them being not a few of those who had been most stub- 
born and rebellious, ignoring with almost insulting indif- 
ference all of the advances made to them by the mission- 
aries. Particularly among these was one Ahasistari, a 
noted and valiant chief, who became an active medium 
in bringing quite a number of his people to a just appre- 
ciation of the Christian religion. Of the experiences of 
the missionaries with this man, the historian Charlevoix 
writes the following: "There was no great probability of 
success, this Indian being extremely attached to his 
superstition; but the difficulties of these great conver- 
sions is what often reassures apostolic men, who know 
that Grace, which is all-powerful, is often pleased to 
triumph over those who resist its inspiration most 
sternly. They were, therefore, not disheartened, and 
continued to make frequent visits to the Huron chief, 
although he always received them quite ill. Yet he 
yielded at last, and even began to look upon them with 
favor. They gradually found him less removed from the 
Kingdom of God, and at last he began to relish then- 
conversation on religion. 

"They then devoted themselves more than ever to his 
instruction. He heard them attentively, proposed his 
doubts, and when they were solved manifested his 
conviction. He requested Baptism, but the Fathers 
thought it not wise to admit to the bosom of the Church 

on a single request a proselyte of this character, deeming 
it better to make him long desire that favor. One day 
when he was earnestly soliciting it at one of the public 
conferences, the missionary who presided asked him to 
inform the assembly what had given him his first desire 
to become a Christian, and he replied in these words, 
which I took literally from the missionary's own letter: 
'This thought engaged my mind even before you came to 
this country. I often ran great risks, and on many occa- 
sions I happily escaped when all my comrades perished 
at my side. Some powerful genius, I said to myself, 
must bear a special watch over my days, and I could 
never banish the thought that this genius must be infin- 
itely superior to those who are honored among us. Nor 
could I avoid regarding as silly all that is told us of 
dreams. No sooner had I heard Jesus spoken of, than I 
felt assured He was the protector to whom I had so often 
been indebted for liberty and life. Stubborn and adher- 
ent as I may have appeared to our practices and tradi- 
tions, I nevertheless felt internally moved to adore Him 
alone; and if I have so long deferred obeying this 
impulse of my heart, it was because I wished to be 
instructed before making the avowal. Even when I 
seemed least disposed to hear you, I undertook no enter- 
prise without commending myself to Jesus and I put all 
my trust in Him. For a long time I have invoked Him 
every morning; and in His name I ask Baptism from 
you, that He may be merciful to me after death.' 

"The missonaries thought it wrong to withhold this 
satisfaction longer from a man so well prepared. He was 
baptized the same day by the name of Eustace. He soon 
after raised a large war party in which he would receive 
none but Christians. His band being ready to start, he 
led it to the missionary of his town, in whose presence 
he thus addressed them: 'Brethren, we all serve one 
same Master; let us then be but one heart and one mind. 
We must carefully avoid all intercourse with the pagans; 
and all our brethren who are in affliction must find 
consolation and solace in us. Let us carefully hide 
the faults of Christians from the eyes of the heathen, and 
on occasions let them see that religion unites us more 
closely than the ties of blood and interest ever did. As 
to our kindred who do not profess the same religion as 
ourselves, it is good that they know that death will sepa- 
rate them from us forever, and our ashes cannot even be 
mingled with theirs. Let us publish everywhere, but by 
example rather than by word, the holiness and excel- 
lence of faith in Jesus, and endeavor if possible to make 
all the world embrace it.'" 

With this general awakening among the Hurons 
regarding their spiritual duties, came an enlarging of 
the missionary field, for it was not long after the occur- 


rence of the incident just quoted, that the Fathers were 
invited to send a pastor to the country of the Saulteurs 1 
which was located near to a rapid, midway in the channel 
by which Lake Superior is connected with Lake Huron. 

This new field was given in charge of Father Isaac 
Jcgues and Charles Raimbaut 1 , who, therefore, returned 
with the deputation which had been sent to invite their 
presence. The result of this expedition 2 was that the 
missionaries were, according to all accounts, well 
received, and thus enabled to effect much good among 
them. Unfortunately, just as their efforts began to take 
some noticeable effect, the missionaries were recalled, 
and we learn that upon their return to that country some 
years subsequently, it became readily evident that the 
former friendly sentiments of the Saulteurs for the French 
had virtually ceased to exist, and that consequently their 
previous labors had brought about no lasting result. 

Of this same visit Parkman relates that during the 
autumn he (Father Jogues) with Father Charles Raim- 
baut had passed along the shore of lake Huron north- 
ward, entering the strait from which lake Superior dis- 
charges itself, pushing on as far as the Sault Ste. Marie 
and preached the Faith to two thousand Ojibwas and 
other Algonquins there assembled. In the meantime 
matters were looking anything but propitious for the 
settlers, as the Iroquois, being sure of the moral as well 
as material support of the Dutch, were maintaining an 
actively aggressive position towards the settlers. Every 
available avenue and water-course throughout the coun- 
try swarmed with their canoes or bands of warriors, and 

(1.) The location is now known as Sault Ste. .Mario. The report of 
s occurrence as it appears in the Minnesota historical collection. Vol. 
is somewhat different from that *riven by Charlevoix. In this we are 
told that the very interesting and glowing reports given by the trade 

who had just returned fro 

luntry to Quebec enthused the 
sionaries 10 sucn an extent that they became eager and anxious to 
accompany them on their return journey. It seems that in the separa- 
tion of the Ojibway tribes over three centuries aire at the outlet of Lake 
Superior a considerable band remained mi their ancient village site at 
Bow-e-ting. or falls of Ste. Marie; and here some years prior to the first 
visit of the white men and "black-gowns" to the greater village in the 
bay of Shag-a-wauni-ik-otig, traders and priests had established them- 
selves, and these eireumstanees naturallv eondueed to draw thither from 
their more western ami dangerously situated villages many families of 
the tribe till they again numbered noun' wigwams on this, the site of 
their Indian town. It was the first discovery of this tribe at this point 
which has given them the name bv the French of Saulteaux, from the 
circumstance of their residing at the falls. 

Saulteurs An Algonquin tribe originally bearing the name of 
Pauoirigoweieiihak. I'auoitigoueieuhak or ouchipoues. which have since 
become generally known as the Ojibwas or Chippewas. 

(1.) Also spelled Kaymbault. Uaymbaut 

c.i of this incident the historian Shea gives the following account: 
"By command of their Superior, iwo missionaries. Father Charles Raym- 
baut, thoroughly versed in the Algonquin customs and language, with 
Father Isaac Jogues. no less complete a Huron, were detached to visit 
them. On the 17th of June they launched their canoes at the mission- 
house at Ste. Marie's, and for seventeen davs advanced for the crystal 
waters c' " 

sionaries gazed with delight 
They heard of tribe after tribe ..__. 
the terrible Adowessi, who dwelt on the great r 
neslly diil the Chippewas press the two Fathers 
"1 embrace von.' said they, 'as brothers; 

field which lay before ther 

from your words;' but it could 

in the Huron country did not yet permit the establishment 
mission. Raymbaut and Joguc 

r of the West. Bar- 
stay in their midst. 
re shall derive profit 
ucity of missionaries 

to St. Mary's, and hopes were entertained of soon establishing ; 
on Lake Superior, but Raymbaut shortly after fell a victim to the 
climate, while Jogues began in his own person a long career of martyr- 
dom, preluding the ruin of the Huron mission, the death of its apostles 
and the destruction of the tribe." 

played havoc with the numerous trading parties of the 
Hurons in their vain attempts to reach the settlement 
with peltries and other articles for barter. These articles, 
which assumed an aggregate of considerable value, were 
disposed of by the victorious Iroquois, in exchange for 
ammunition and arms, which were readily supplied to' 
them by the Dutch. So frequent had these depredations 
become, that the Hurons, who from repeated defeats 
had become totally unmanned, and disqualified from 
maintaining anything approaching an equal footing with 
the enemy, became a more than useless incumbrance 
upon the hands of the French, and therefore were left 
not only entirely without the aggressive support of the 
alien forces, but, on the contrary, had to keep close 
serveillance of them and their interests. In fact a terrible 
storm cloud was hovering over the devoted heads of the 
missionaries which bid fair to envelope them into lasting 
and interminable gloom. First among those who suf- 
fered from this untoward condition of affairs was this 
selfsame Father Jogues, who may be regarded as the 
first victim of the pitiless storm which followed. His 
misfortunes may be said to have commenced upon his 
return journey from Sault Ste. Marie, from which place 
he had received orders to go to Quebec, starting on that 
journey on June 13, 1642. This journey was accom- 
plished without any particular happening, but it was on 
his return to the country of the Saulteurs some months 
later that his actual trials and sufferings began. He begun 
his return journey on the first day of August, 1642, start- 
ing out with a convoy of thirteen canoes, stoutly manned 
and thoroughly armed. Of the experience which fol- 
lowed, Charlevoix gives the following account: "The 
strength of this escort was apparently the cause of its 
ruin, by inspiring all in it with overweening confidence. 
It was afterwards ascertained from the letters of Father 
Jogues that the chiefs of this band, consisting mostly of 
Christians or proselytes, thought far less of guarding 
against any sudden attack of the enemy than of exhorting 
their men to suffer for Christ; and most of them mani- 
fested sentiments which filled him with confusion. The 
wonder is that they persevered till death in these heroic 
dispositions. It is not astonishing that He who can turn 
even crime to good sometimes for His own glory per- 
mits men to stray from the laws of prudence. 

"Be that as it may, the Hurons were not more than 
fifteen or sixteen leagues from Quebec 1 when on the day 
after their departure, at dawn, as they were about to 
embark, they perceived an Iroquois train on the bank of 
the river; but they despised an enemy to whom they 
deemed themselves far superior in numbers, and whom 
they consequently deemed not rash enough to begin an 


attack. They pursued their way without taking any 
precaution against surprise, and became the dupes of 
this unpardonable security. The Iroquois braves were 
seventy in number. One division lay in ambush behind 
some bushes that covered a point close at hand which the 
party had to pass; the other had crossed the river and 
concealed themselves in the woods. 

''As soon as the Hurons came within reach of the first 
party, a well-delivered volley of musketry wounded sev- 
eral and riddled every canoe. This sudden and urftor- 
seen attack threw the Christians into disorder; but some 
of the most agile promptly sprang ashore, and succeeded 
in escaping. The bravest, supported by three or four 
Frenchmen who had accompanied Father Jogues, for 
some time made a resolute defense in their canoes; but 
as the water poured in and there was no means of flight, 
they were at last obliged to surrender, except a few 
who escaped in the confusion caused among the Iroquois 
by their resistance; the rest were seized and bound. 

"It had depended on Father Jogues himself to follow 
the first who took flight; they indeed did all they could 
to induce him ; but the servant of God, as calm amidst 
this tumult as if he had been at full liberty, baptized a 
catechumen and prepared him for any event. To those 
who urged him to seek safety, he replied that they did 
light to escape, but that it did not become him to 
abandon his children when they most needed his assist- 
ance. Charity, exacted by duty, does not fully satisfy an 
apostolic heart. The combat ended, the Hurons all taken 
or fled, Father Jogues had discharged his ministry to its 
full extent ; but he sighed for martyrdom, and he believed 
that the services which he could render the captives, by 
consoling and exhorting them to death, was a sufficiently 
justifiable motive for exposing himself to it, and he would 
not miss the opportunity. 

"He accordingly advanced towards the Iroquois, who 
seemed to pay no attention to him, thinking only of 
embarking with their capture, and he made himself the 
prisoner of the first one he met, saying that he would 
not be separated from his beloved children, whose sad 
fate he but 'too clearly foresaw. A Frenchman, William 
Couture, with whom the holy man had come down from 
the Huron country, had fled among the first; but he was 
no sooner out of danger than he was seized with shame 
for having abandoned Father Jogues, and without 
reflecting that he could no longer be of any service to 
him in the hands of the Iroquois, he used as much exer- 
tion to rush back into the danger as he had used to 
escape it." 

Couture was, we are told, recovered some years later. 
He died in 1702 at the age of ninety-four, leaving behind 
him a numerous posterity in Canada, Msgr. Turgeon, 

Archbishop of Quebec, and Msgr. Bourget, Bishop of 
Montreal, are both descendants of this man. 

Continuing his description of this encounter, Charle- 
voix goes on to say: "Father Jogues was pained to see 
him again, and reproached him gently with his impru- 
dence in a course that could avail no one, but the error 
was committed. Couture had been seized as soon as he 
appeared and bound with the other captives. Moreover, 
some of the best Iroquois runners had started in pursuit 
of the fugitives, and brought in several. As they arrived 
the sighs of Father Jogues redoubled; and in a letter 
which he wrote to his Provincial in France, soon after 
his arrival among the Iroquois, he declares that he felt 
on this occasion the reverse of the maxim so universally 
received, that 'misery loves company.' 

"The first thing the captors did when they no longer 
feared pursuit, was to inform their prisoners not to 
expect any quarter. Couture, at the commencement of 
the attack, having killed an Iroquois, was a marked man, 
and the first to feel the rage of the savages. They first 
crushed all his fingers, after tearing out the nails with 
their teeth. Then they ran a sword through his right 
hand. Father Jogues could not behold him mutilated in 
this way without being moved to the heart's core; he ran 
to embrace the young man, and as he wished to encour- 
age him by the thought of the eternal truths, he found 
him in sentiments which charmed him, and more 
absorbed, he says, in his Saviour's sufferings than in his 

"At that moment three or four Iroquois rushed with 
a kind of fury on the missionary, rained down on his 
head and naked body — for they had begun by stripping 
all the prisoners — so many blows with their clubs and 
stones, that they thought they had killed him. He lay 
for a considerable time, indeed, senseless. He had 
scarcely begun to recover when they tore out all his 
nails, and gnawed off his two forefingers with their teeth. 
Another Frenchman, named Rene Goupil, quite an able 
surgeon who had been received by the Jesuits as a 
brother, was treated in the same way; but nothing was 
done that day with the prisoners. 

"Sometime after the booty was divided, and the cap- 
tives, twenty-one in number, were also distributed, con- 
trary to custom; this allotment being generally made in 
the village from which the war party sets out. At last 
they took up their march which lasted four weeks 1 . The 
wounds of Father Jogues and the two Frenchmen had 
not been dressed, and worms were soon engendered; yet 
the prisoners had to march from morning till night, with 
nothing scarcely given them to eat; but the holy mis- 
sionary was touched only at the sight of his beloved 

t to two weeks. 


neophytes destined to the stake, four of five of them 
being main columns of the Huron Church. He dared 
not flatter himself with the same lot, unable to believe 
that the Iroquois would in his case proceed to extremi- 
ties, and by putting him to death make irreconcilable 
enemies of the French. 

"After eight days' march they met a party of two 
hundred Iroquois, going to try their fortune. Great was 
their joy at the sight of so many prisoners, who were 
turned over to them for some time, and whom they 
treated with incredible barbarity, after firing a general 
volley in honor of Agreskoue (war-god of the Hurons 
and Iroquois). The Indians imagine that the more cruel 
they show themselves on these occasions, the greater 
will be the success of their expedition. This party was, 
however, deceived in its expectations for, having 
appeared before Fort Richelieu, they found there the 
Chevalier de Montmagny, who killed several and com- 
pelled the rest to retire in disorder. 

"In the event just mentioned, Father Jogues was not 
more spared than the rest, but he was not so mutilated as 
to disable him from rendering the services required of 
slaves. This confirmed his belief that the Iroquois would 
not, by putting him to death, deprive themselves of the 
advantage they might derive from a hostage of his char- 
acter. From the spot where the two parties met they 
made ten days' journey in canoes, after which they had 
to march again, and the prisoners, most of whom could 
scarcely stand, were, moreover, loaded with the baggage 
of their pitiless masters. 

"Father Jogues in his memoirs states that the first 
days his captors did not stint them in food, but that this 
gradually diminished, and that towards the close of his 
march he was no less than three times twenty-four 
hours without tasting food, their provisions having 
almost entirely failed on account of the circuitous path 
which they had been obliged to take to avoid encoun- 
tering hostile war parties. He adds that neither he nor 
Goupil, his companion, were bound like the rest at night, 
so that they might easily have escaped; but the reasons 
which had prevented him at first, diverted him to the 
last, and the young surgeon would never consent to 
abandon him. 

"At last the whole troop arrived in a village of the 
Mohawk canton (Andagoron), where the captives were 
again told that they were doomed to the stake. Here they 
were treated with such inhumanity that not a spot on 
their bodies was left without a bruise or wound, not a 
feature recognizable. After enduring the first fury of the 
women and children, they had to ascend to a kind of 
scaffold, and at a signal three Frenchmen received some 
blows with a scourge on the shoulders ; then an old man 
approached Father Jogues, attended by an Algonquin 

woman, a slave, to whom he gave a knife, ordering her 
to cut off the missionary's right thumb. 

"This woman, who was a Christian, at first stood as if 
stupefied, then declared that what she was ordered to do 
was utterly impossible. The old man, however, resorted 
to such terrible threats that she obeyed. The holy man 
afterwards declared that his fear of seeing the woman 
tortured on his account, and the joy which he subse- 
quently felt on seeing her escape the peril by her obedi- 
ence, enabled him to endure the pain which she gave 
him; yet she made him suffer more exquisite torture by 
the irresolute and trembling manner in which she per- 
formed the operation, than if cruelty had guided her 

"The prisoners remained on this scaffold a day and a 
half, surrounded by a confused crowd of savages, who 
were allowed to subject them to any treatment short of 
death. They were then taken to a second village. Here,. 
contrary to custom, they had to run the gauntlet; 
whereas, according to rule, this should be practiced only 
in the first town they enter. Then Father Jogues, unable 
longer to endure his nakedness, asked an Iroquois 
whether he was not ashamed to leave him in that state 
after having had so large a share in the booty. The 
Indian seemed to feel the reproach, for he went and got 
a box-covering and gave it to the missionary who used 
it as best he could to cover himself; but as the surface of 
his body was all raw, this cloth, rough in itself and 
bristling with bits of straw, caused him such acute pain 
that he was forced to abandon it. Then the sun pouring 
down on his wounds, set bleeding afresh by this cloth, 
formed a crust, which fell off, from time to time, in 

"It is impossible to detail the cruel and unworthy 
treatment which the captives endured in the second vil- 
lage, especially at the hands of the young. The torture 
lasted two days, and no one thought of giving them any 
food. At night they were tied and shut up together in- 
a cabin, but pain and hunger prevented sleep from bring- 
ing any truce to their miseries. They were treated with 
nearly as great inhumanity in a third village, where four 
Hurons were brought in captives by another war party 1 . 

Regarding this Shea furnishes the following 
" Charlevoix: "The Mohawks were the Ire 

Dutch, who adopted the Algonquin name L__ _ 

typically and as a unit 'the great she-bear'— Burgas, 

Racines, Agnieres. This term in Algonquin was 'Maqua' or, as the earlier 
Dutch writers gave it, Mahaknaas. This word ultimately became 
Mohawk. The tribe as individuals called themselves Gaguieguehaga or 
Kajinjahaga, the last syllable, 'haga,' meaning people (Bruyas meg- 
apolensis). They were not a numerous tribe and contained only the 
three primitive families— the Tortoise, Anaware; the Bear, Ochkari ; and 
the Wolfe, Oknaho. They generally formed three towns; but after a 
lapse of over two centuries, the data are too indefinite to determine 
their site with absolute accuracy. Father Jogues names three towns— 
Osserenenon, Andagaron, or Gandagoron and Teonontogen, which he 
calls the most remote of the canton. The first was, according to the 
text of the Latin letter, twenty leagues from the Dutch post. Meg- 
apolensis gives three towns— Asseruea, of the Tortoise; Banagiro, of the 
Bear; and Thenondiogo of the Wolfe family. Jogues on his second 
visit descended the Oiogue or Upper Hudson to Fort Orange, and then 


"At last after seven weeks' constant martyrdom, all 
contrary to their expectations, and in spite of oft-re- 
peated threats, they were informed that none were to be 
put to death except three chiefs. Among- these was the 
brave Eustace, whose conversion has been recently 
related. He as well as the other two received his death 
sentence as a sincere Christian, and till their last breath 
they carried their heroism as far as imagination can con- 
ceive. As soon as they had been given up to the depu- 
ties of the villages where they were to. be burned, the 
other captives 2 were led back to the first village of the 
three through which the)- had been paraded. Here they 
were to be distributed. 

"Up to this time as they belonged to no one individ- 
ually, no one took any care of them, and on reaching 
this village they were in a state of complete exhaustion. 
Moreover, they were soon thrown back into a state of 
suspense as to their fate, from which they had just been 
delivered. The war party repulsed at Fort Richelieu 
came back breathing only vengeance. The chief and 
some of the bravest had been killed, while the number of 
the wounded was considerable. The prisoners, after 
having been so long the object of the insolence of vic- 
tory, were now doomed to experience the rage and dis- 
appointment of defeat; and, notwithstanding the hopes 
which had been kindled in their hearts, they expected 
it to cost them their lives. The friends and kindred of 
the dead counted on it, when the Dutch, who were by 
chance in the village, asked that the three Frenchmen 
should be given up to them. 

"This request embarrassed the Iroquois, and led to a 
kind of negotiation in which the fury enkindled against 
the prisoners somewhat abated; but this was all the 
benefit which the French derived. The council at last 
replied to the Dutch that the French were no longer at 
their disposal, it having been decided to restore them to 
their countrymen. This was a mere pretext, but whether 
the Dutch understood it or not, they pressed the matter 
no further and retired. Some of the more moderate of 

ihe Iroquois had indeed advised that Father Jogues and 
his two companions should be sent back to Ononthio, 
but all the others opposed it strongly. The three French- 
men were then given to different masters ; Couture's was 
in another village, and was apparently the same chief 
who had already rescued him from the hands of his tor- 

"Rene Goupil 1 knew his master only at the moment 
when that savage dealt him a blow on the head with his 
tomahawk, of which he expired a moment after. He was 
a young man of great innocence of life and of admirable 
ingeniousness. Although he had commenced his novi- 
tiate at Rouen, he was sent to Canada in his secular 
habit, that he might exercise his profession with more 
liberty and decorum; but though he did not wear the 
religious habit, his conduct was not the less strict, and in 
his piety merited the first crown of martyrdom in New 
France; for his master's motive in thus depriving him of 
life was that an old man, having seen him make the sign 
of the cross on a child, had told his master that if he kept 
Rene he would kill the whole village with his spells. 

"Father Jogues, who had admired his virtue in life, 
did not scruple to invoke him after so precious a death 
as a confessor of Christ. He even expected to share his 
crown. He witnessed the execution, and not doubting 
but that they had also resolved to make way with him, 
he was about to kneel at the murderer's feet to receive 
his death-blow in that posture; but the Indian bade him 
rise, because though he deemed him as guilty as his 
comrade he had no power of life or death over him. The 
apostolic man, again disappointed in his hope of martyr- 
dom, thought thenceforward only of sanctifying his 
chains, and rendering his bondage useful to those who 
had done him so much evil. 

"At first he was rather closely watched, but in the 
sequel he had a little more liberty, and even traversed 
unopposed by his master the whole Mohawk canton in 
which he was, and the only one which till then had openly 
declared against us. In one of his excursions an event 

■ Fort Hunter. Greenhalgh describes it as having a double 
BiutKaue, as containing thirty houses and being on a hill a bow- 
shot from the river. It was then north of the river, but was soon 
after removed, and Morgan (League of the Iroquois map) represents it 

sixteen houses, and may be the Ganegahaga of Morgan, in Danube, 
Herkimer county, opposite Canada creek. The Ossernenon and Osserrion 
cf Jogues will then be the Cahniaga of Greenhalgh, and Caughnawaga 
of our times. This is the only town placed by Morgan north of the 
Mohawk. He places it near the mouth of the creek. Greenhalgh 
describes Cahniaga as doubly stockaded with four ports, each four feet 
wide, containing twenty-four houses, and situated on the edge of the 
hill about a bowshot from the riverside — meaning apparently Caughna- 
waga creek— the Mohawk being, as we may infer from Jogues' account 
of Goupil's death, three-quarters of a mile distant. This is too evidently 
the Andaraque taken by Courcelle in October, 1666, with its triple 

(1.) Rene Goupil— When he accompanied Father Jogues and Couturs 
on their memorable expedition had been a novice, but was then a 
"donne," or given-man, one of a condition which were associated 
to Franrisrnn as well a- Jesuit missions. These people gave them- 
selves wholly to the service of the Fathers without any hope of earthly 
reward. Many of them subsequently became eminent men in Canada. 
> deserving the highest rank among tht 

and others a 

sionary laborers. Of this number, Shea mentions Kotour, le Coq, le 
" "i particularly deserving of mention. Of his death 

Moyne and Dor 

i also says he had been s 

> make the sign of the 

cross on the forehead of a child, and as the Dutch had told the Mohawk 
that the sign was not good, the master of the cabin ordered Rene to 
be put to .death. Two young men set out, and as Jogues and Rene, 
after long and fervent prayer and self-oblation to God, were returning 

s just at the palisades 

i of the Mohawks, jerk- 

He entered the Society of Jesus, but 
of failing health. On somewhat recovering, he offered his services as 
a "donne" to the Canada mission, where he rendered signal service 
particularly i " 

. admired by all for his 

goran, where the council 

leld, to Ossernenon, and Coi 

i death September 
29, 1642, and the illustrious missionary Jogues did not hesitate to call 
him a martyr, not only to patience but also to good faith and the Cross. 


occurred which gave him great consolation. As he went 
from cabin to cabin in a village near his own, to see 
whether he could find any dying children on whom he 
could confer Baptism, he heard a voice at a distance call- 
ing him; he ran to the spot, and entering the cabin from 
which the sound came he beheld a sick man who looked 
at him steadily and asked whether the missionary did 
not recognize him. He replied that he did not recollect 
having seen him. 'And I,' said the Indian, 'recognize 
you well. Do you recollect the day when you were hung 
up by the arms with ropes that cut deep into you and 
gave you such intense pain?' T remember it well,' 
replied the missionary. 'And I,' continued the Indian, 
'was the one who took pity on you and cut you down.' 
"The servant of God, overjoyed to find a man whom 
he had long sought to express his gratitude, threw 
himself upon his neck and embraced him: 'Brother,' he 
said, 'it depends only on yourself to let me render you a 
hundredfold all the good you did me, and the memory 
of which is as fresh in my mind as it was at that moment 
when you did me so great a charity. An enemy more 
cruel than all who then tortured me holds you in fetters; 
you are perhaps at the last moment of your life, and if 
before that fatal moment which will close your existence 
you do not throw off the yoke of this pitiless master, 
what will become of you? I shudder for you when I 

think of it. Eternal flames will surround and burn but 
never consume you. The most horrible torments you 
have ever conceived to glut your vengeance on your 
enemies do not approach what will be suffered through 
all eternity by those who do not die Christians.' 

"These few words pronounced in that tone which 
renders apostolic men so powerful in words, made all the 
impression the missionary could desire on a heart in 
which charity paved the way for the operations of grace. 
The sick man asked to be instructed; and the missionary 
had scarcely begun to begin the chief mysteries of the 
faith than he perceived an unseen Master anticipated 
his teaching and impressed the truths of Christianity in 
this predestined soul. The sick man opposed no doubts 
to our most incomprehensible mysteries. He believed, 
was baptized and died a few days after in the arms of the 
servant of God, in all the sentiments which characterize 
the death of saints. 

"A conquest of this kind was more than enough to 
make his bondage precious to the man of God; but it 
was not the only one, and ere long the whole Mohawk 
canton, which he had bedewed with his blood, produced 
an abundant harvest. Another Indian wishing to save 
his life received on his arm a blow of a tomahawk aimed 
at his life, and Heaven rewarded him in the same man- 
ner as it did the one I have just mentioned 1 . Many 

(1.) Shea states that this rase is misplaced, and that the Indian 
wounded in ill.- arm while living to save Father Jogues was Kh.tsaelon 
who was wounded when the missionary was killed in 1647. 

Of the foregoing experience of Father Jogues and the French 
which aceoinp anic.l him. P.aiknian writes linn thev started on the morn- 
' - f August. 11112. with twelve Huron canoes, which moved 
i northern shore of the expansion of the St. Lawrence, 

ing of the _. 

slowly along 

known as the Lake of 

party altogether, includi 

Among the 

St. Peter. There 

mber of Hurons 



s the i 
mpanying him, 

. ... the mouth of the Richelie 

From here their curse was south up the River Richelieu 
f'hainpl.iiii, thence hy way of Lake (leorge to the Mohawk tov 
pain and fever of their wounds and the clouds of mosquitoes w 
could not drive away, left the prisoners no peace by day nor 
night. On the eighth day they learned that a large Iroquois v 

was the noted Christian chief Fustioe or Hustache, Ahatsil.„... 
occupied one of the leading canoes in the flotilla. At this time he 
-s thirty-five years of age. having been horn at Orleans in the year lf.07. 
"~ J x striking presence, his oval face and the delicate 
boating to a marked degree a modest. thought- 
He is also reported as being constitutionally 
ind great religious susceptibilities 
'led a literary reputation 

) Canada ' 
mil is" 

i hand; 

deep by 

must have had ; 
mould of his features 
ful and refined nature. 

olar and might hayi 

er. and one for which he seemed but 
iwever. he was well matched for his work, 
slight, he was so active that none of the 
in running. The twelve canoes had reached 
i ena or tne laKe of St. Peter, which is tilled with innumerable 
thorn incident. Here the forest was dose to their right as 
compelled to keep near the shore in shallow water, and close 
grove of tall bulrushes in order to avoid the current. Sud- 
denly the silence was fright lull v broken. The war-whoop rose from the 
rushes, mingled with the rep,, its of guns and the whistling of bullets; 
— ' T roqtiois canoes tilled with warriors pushed out from their 
panions. The 

hundred in number, salu.__ . 
ith volleys from their guns: then, armed with clubs and thornv 
they ranged themselves in two lines through which the captives 
jmpelled to pass up the side of a rocky hill. On the way they 
with such fury that Jogues. who was the last In the line, 
the chief man among 
again mangled 

fell powerless, di 

little fitted. 1'hysi.-;. 

jected to tortures 

hed in blood and half dead. 

he fared the worst. His hands v 

his body, while the Huron chief Eustache v 

ven more atrocious. When at night the exhausted 

e to lacerate their wounds 

In the morning they 


the lake 

ed thei 

the semblance of a tranquil" river. Before ther 

close on their right a rocky promontory, and between 

filled v._.._ 

upon Jogues and his 

ihameful panic 


French and the Christian Hurons made tight for 

approaching from the opposite sin 

, baggage and weapons and fled 

Thev leaped 

woody r . 

these flowed a river, the outlet of Lake George. Here they 
shouldered their canoes and baggage and took their way through the 
woods, and soon reached the shore where Abercrombie landed, and Lord 
Howe fell. Again the canoes were launched, and they continued their 
tedious journey until landing at length near the future site of Fort 
William Henry, where they left their canoes, and with their 

t Mohawk tow 

in the clutches of the Iroquois he had I 


t perhaps awaited him, he resolved 
" * ps. As he approached. 

f them snapped his gun 

when he thought of Jogues and of i 
to share his fate, and, turning, retraced his 
five [roouois ran forward to meet him, and o 

at his breast, but it missed fire. In his confusion and' excitement 
Couture fired his own piece, and laid the savage dead. The remaining 
-** -'1 his clothing, tore away his linger 
fingers with the fury of famished 
■ : ~ '■xnds. Jogues broke from 

began their march for the 
his part, of the plunder, am: 
were in a frightful conditio! 
forced to stagger on with tin 
Thus thev crossed the up 
ing the St. Lawrence rive 
a palisaded town standing 
lleie thev were met by th 

hill. The old and young alike, armed witn ciuos 
themselves in double file reaching upward to th. 
And through "this narrow road of Paradise," 
captives were led in single file, Coutui 

: to b 

though his lacerated hands 

banks of the river Mohawk. 

tribesmen, who thronged on the side of the 


i the 


sprang upon him. stripped off a 
with their teeth, gnawed 1' 

body, and stretched him 

The Iroquois dragged 1 

■ his 

Goupil, and treated 

about seventy in number, embarked 

until they had knocked on the head an old H 

l away, beat him with their fists and war-clubs 

s revived lacerated his fingers with 

l they turned upon 

5 they had done those of Couture 

ferocity. The Iroquois 

horn Jogues,' with his 

tin rrom his 
.._._ death to lie there. 
5 feet, he staggered on with the rest. When they reached 
the town the blows ceased, and thev were all placed on a scaffold or 
high platform in the middle of the place. The three Frenchmen had 
fared the worst, and were frightfully disfigured. Goupil especially was 
streaming with blood, and livid with bruises from head to foot. 

They were allowed a few minutes to recover their breath, undis- 
turbed, except by the hootings and gibes of the mob below. "Come, let 
us caress these Frenchmen." a chief called out, and the crowd, knife in 
hand, began to mount the scaffold, and they ordered a Christian Algon- 


other sick Indians listened with docility to the instruc- important settlements. Regarding this people and the 

tions of the holy missionary, in whom they were always territory occupied by them, we also learn from the Rela- 

accompanied by all that the most tender and ingenious tion of 1641 that the country was about forty leagues in 

charity can inspire in a great heart. And by his earnest extent, embracing wide and fertile districts on the north 

care a great number of children went to swell the choir 
in Heaven that follows the Lamb without spot. These 
conversions cost him much toil. The mere journeys 
were a great torture to a man whose strength was 
exhausted, and who was forced to live almost entirely 
upon roots. Not that the Indians refused him the neces- 
saries of life; but as generally nothing was set before him 
that had not been first offered to Agreskoue, he did not 
believe that he could in conscience touch it." 

One of the tribes located in the region, to which we 
at present particularly refer, were the Neuters, who occu- 
pied the territory lying on both sides of the Niagara, one 
hundred miles from the country of the Hurons. This 
territory was about one hundred and fifty miles in extent, 
running from Buffalo on the northern shores of lake 
Erie in an almost direct line towards Detroit, Michigan. 

shore of Lake Erie. At this time the total population was 
estimated at some twelve thousand souls. Le Clercq 
also describes their country, which he says doubtless 
included oil-springs, since he mentions among their pro- 
ductions very good oil which they call atouronton. 
Sagard says the word means "O how much there is," and 
it is by no means inapplicable to the oil in that region. 
It was at about at this time (1641) that these Neuters 
were first visited by the Jesuits. This may really be said 
to have been the first absolute impression made by the 
Religious upon them, for although, as formerly stated, 
Father Dallion had gone among them in 1626, his inabil- 
ity to speak their language had been such that he was 
only able to convey a slight idea of the reason for his 
coming, and the religion he desired to teach, by signs. 
So when the good and pious Fathers Chaumonnot and 

This country is elsewhere described as lying southward de Brebeuf came there, they found a virgin field in which 

and five days' journey from the nine villages of the to begin their labors. In fact the people of the tribe were 

Tobacco Nation of Tionnontates 1 , which were located in as a general thing far from well-disposed towards them, 

the valleys of the Blue Mountains, and about half that although they had come in much hope, having been 

distance south of Nottawassoga Bay on Lake Huron. invited to do so by a number of the principal men of the 

These people obtained their rather peculiar name from tribe. Once more, then, it became a stubborn fight of 

the fact that they took no part whatsoever in the hostil- mind against matter, for while the Neuters were non- 

ities existing between the Hurons and Iroquois. Their 
language was about identical with that of the Hurons, 
by whom they were called Attiwandaions, Attiwendar- 
onk, Atirgagenrenrets, Rhagenratka and Attionidarons 2 , 
and they, not the Eries, were the Kahkwas of Seneca tra- 
dition. It is stated that these people were visited as 
«arly as the year 1626 by the Franciscan Friar Dallion 3 , 
who reported quite a numerous population living in 
some twenty-eight villages, besides a number of less 

t off Jogues' left thumb. 


affold and placed in one of the houses, each stretched 
limbs extended, and his ankles and wrists bound fast 
) the earthen floor. The children now profited by the 
and amused themselves by placing live coals 

id red-hot ashes on the naked bodies of the prisoners, win 
— ' with wounds and bruises which made every 
sometimes unable to shake them off. 
morning they wore again placed on the scaffold, wher 


this and the two follow 
the crowd. Then they 
and afterwards to the third (; 
the detail of which would be 
In a house in the town 
i between two of the upright poles which supported the struct! 

j days, they remained exposed to the 

' ' triumph to the second Mohawk t 

ffering at each 
lonotonous as revolting. 
Teonontogen Jogues was hung by the 
it poles which supported the structure, 
feet could not touch the ground, and thus he 

minutes in extre 

remained for s 
the point of sv 

and released him. id.) wnite tney were in ints town iour 
prisoners just taken were brought in and placed on the scaff 
rest. Jogues. in the midst of his pain and exhaustion, too 
tunity to convert them. An ear of green corn was thrown 
food, and he discovered a few rain-drops clinging to the 1 
these he baptized two of the Hurons. The remaining i 
■baptism soon after from the brook which the prisoners en 

i been referred t 

rhonons, Petuneux. or ] 
(2.) The latest tw< 

Sagard respectively. 
(3.) Also Daillon. 

by the Jesi 

committal as well as non-aggressive regarding the 
troubles of their immediate neighbors, the Hurons and 
Iroquois, they were naturally a fierce and warlike people, 
carrying on a bitter and continuous warfare with a num- 
ber of surrounding tribes. The missionaries went to 
work in their usual way, gradually gaining the confi- 
dence of the savages by acts of kindness and devotion 
until many became well-disposed towards them and the 
religion which they taught. The success thus acquired 
came as the result of months of patient and tedious labor, 
a lapse of time which would have discomfited if not 
totally discouraged men of less zeal and determination. 
Then arose another difficulty. At the time when their 
endeavors began to show some evidences of triumphant 
attainment, they were compelled to leave their newly 
acquired charge and return to the Hurons, whose suffer- 
ings and misfortunes, owing to the relentless depreda- 
tions of the Iroquois, were daily increasing. Nor was 
this all; for the hand of famine and disease rested heavily 
upon this people. Yet, strange as it may seem, these 
accumulated horrors and difficulties which were so fast 
depleting the ranks of the nation seemed only to become 
a buoyant influence in religious matters, strengthening 
them in their purpose and desire to become true and 
faithful adherents to their newly acquired faith. Of 
course in all of this a little of the leaven of superstition 


still had its effect, which was noticeable in the fact that the 
almost utter annihilation of a Huron village immediately 
subsequent to the seizure and carrying away of Father 
Jogues, was generally conceded by these people as an 
evidence and result of God's displeasure. Of this appall- 
ing incident it is sufficient to say that the Iroquois stole 
upon the village at daybreak, burning every cabin to 
the ground, and destroying every inhabitant of whatever 
age or sex with the exception of the very few who man- 
aged to escape through the flames. More stress particu- 
larly was laid upon the incident as to its cause, from the 
fact that the residents of this village had always objected 
to receiving the advances of the missionaries, and were 
consequently in an absolute state of paganism when the 
disaster fell upon them. 

There were many other instances less brutal, yet, 
according to the Indians, fully as convincing of the atti- 
tude of the Deity towards them. One instance particu- 
larly referred to was that of a war party which before 
starting on an expedition desired to attain the proper 
influences to assure them of the successful outcome of 
their adventure. Now it happened that a large number 
of the warriors engaged in this undertaking were still 
under the ban of paganism, so that they immediately set 
to work to invoke the countenance and sympathy of the 
war god Agreskoue, whom by many incantations and 
wild idolatrous performances they proposed to impress 
and conciliate. The Christian members of the party, 
though fewer in number, were fully as enthusiastic, so 
when they learned the war god's ultimatum, as made 
known through his ready and indefatigable tool and 
interpreter, the medicine man, they immediately went out 
into the village, and in the presence of the entire tribe 
earnestly and solemnly supplicated the Almighty, pray- 
ing him not to permit such sacrilege to His sacred per- 
son as a success in arms granted by Agreskoue would 
mean. One leader in this band cried aloud, saying, 
"Thy own glory is at stake ; show that Thou art the only 
arbiter of our lot. If the promises of the enemy of our 
salvation are accomplished, these men will blaspheme 
Thy holy name ; but let us rather perish all than witness 
such a great evil." 

Of course under such diverse influences these two 
factions could not remain together, so they separated, the 
Christians traveling in a westerly direction, which was 
known to all to be far the most dangerous, while the 
others passed down along the trail which had been desig- 
nated as the one for them to take by the Deity whose 
blessing they had solicited. The result of the enterprise 
was both remarkable and gratifying, as while the Chris- 
tian party returned intact, having utterly failed to meet 
with any mishaps, the others met with the enemy, at 
whose hands they received a crushing defeat. As a con- 

sequence of this, we are told many unbelievers volun- 
tarily acknowledged the impotence and worthlessness of 
Agreskoue, willingly declaring themselves in favor of the 
Christian religion. 

Incidents such as these, and as time progressed they 
became more frequent, were what helped as much as 
anything to buoy up and support the missionaries in 
their tedious and seemingly never-ending task of con- 
verting the heathen to the Christian faith. Occasionally, 
too, there were other happenings which brought a little 
sunlight and comfort to the otherwise monotonous life 
of the missionary Fathers. They were, therefore, greatly 
rejoiced, and the settlement was turned into a state of 
unusual excitement, when it became noised abroad that 
Father Jogues, that energetic, zealous and self-sacrificing 
spirit, who in spite of the merciless and cruel treatment 
received at the hands of the natives, had devoted his 
every thought and energy to their conversion and well- 
being, was still among the living. Previous news of his 
death had, while lacking absolute verification, been 
received as the truth, and therefore the announcement of 
his escape proved an unbounded and gratifying pleasure 
to the entire colony. This information was obtained by 
means of one of the Hurons who, having been taken pris- 
oner at the same time, managed to escape, and had at 
length with much difficulty succeeded in reaching Que- 
bec and the Chevalier de Montmagny, to whom he 
brought the grateful news. From him the people learned 
that Father Jogues was still the property of the village 
canton, for although in the immediate care of an Iroquois 
chief, the people had refused to allow his possession to 
pass from their authority as a whole. This of course 
made the situation more dangerous for him, as under the 
weird influences of their medicine man, the passions of 
the pagans were easily aroused, and they became both 
fierce and capricious. Not long after the arrival of this 
Indian at Quebec, another messenger came, bearing with 
him a communication in writing from the reverend 
Father himself. This letter stated that the Iroquois were 
in a great state of excitement and unrest, their passions 
having been wrought up to such a pitch that they were 
preparing for a grand onslaught, having decreed that 
they would neither rest nor pause in their career until the 
Hurons had been totally destroyed. He also urged fer- 
vently and earnestly upon the French the necessity of 
their immediately taking action in coming out staunchly 
and formidably as allies of the oppressed people, stating 
as his firm conviction that if they hesitated much longer 
there would be nothing left of the Hurons or their asso- 
ciates to be saved. 

Owing to the remarkably passive condition of the 
French Company, and their inability or lack of desire to 
furnish the colony with a proper equipment and force 


•of people to maintain the safety of the colonists and the 
dignity of France, the Governor was unable to carry out 
the wishes of the missionary in going directly to the 
assistance of the allied tribes. Nevertheless, he was 
greatly interested in the welfare of Father Jogues, and 
being much worried concerning him and his safety, took 
every available means in his power to bring about his 
release. One of the first things he accomplished towards 
this end was in purchasing the release of a Sokoki Indian, 
whose tribe rendezvoused in the country tributary to 
New England and were firm allies of the Iroquois. To 
this man, who had been brought a captive to Quebec by 
the Algonquins, he gave his liberty, and after having 
him treated with the utmost gentleness and care until he 
had entirely recovered from the numerous wounds 
received by him at the hands of his captors, accorded him 
a large number of valuable presents, and then sent him 
under proper escort back to his own people. It was 
through the influence of the Sokokis that an attempt 
was made to purchase the release of Father Jogues from 
the Mohawks, which, however, in spite of the handsome 
manner in which their representatives were received and 
the ready acceptance of the numerous presents sent, they, 
contrary to all former traditions, failed to accomplish. 
The Mohawks, in fact, declared that they had irrevocably 
determined to retain the missionary as a prisoner. In 
this condition he passed from the service of one 10 
another, but finally, being believed to have been the 
cause of repulse which the Iroquois experienced in a raid 
upon Fort Richelieu, he was notified that his death had 
been determined upon, and that he would be burned as 
soon as the party arrived at the village. To all intents 
and purposes, therefore, his doom was sealed. But for- 
tunately for him on its way down the party passed 
through a Dutch settlement, where his peculiar condition 
attracted the notice and attention of a Dutch officer, who 
made several inquiries concerning him. Being informed 
of the facts in the case, and very desirous of extending 
some courtesy towards the Governor of Quebec, he 
immediately formulated a plan by means of which he 
felt certain he could secure the safety of the missionary. 
Sending, therefore, for Father Jogues, he notified him 
that there was then a vessel at anchor near by which was 
almost immediately starting for Virginia, and that by this 
means he could gain a ready passage to Jamestown, 
from which place he could be easily transferred to any 
point he might select. 

After considerable deliberation, Father Jogues con- 
cluded to accept this offer, and finally, having managed 
to elude the vigilance of his captors, made his way to the 
shore and from this by means of a boat which was 
beached nearby to the vessel, where he was received 
with the utmost kindness. Here he remained for two 

days, until the Indians became so insistent for his return 
that it was necessary to remove him from the vessel and 
take him to the house of the Commandant, where he 
remained for two weeks. During that time, also, numer- 
ous bands of Iroquois came and demanded his return to 
them, causing not a little embarrassment to the Com- 
mandant, who was in no condition to put up a formidable 
defense should the Indians conclude to attack the post. 
Happily, however, this officer was able to secure his 
release, for which he thankfully made a number of valu- 
able presents. He then as soon as possible sent Father 
Jogues to Manhattan, where on the 5th day of Novem- 
ber, 1643, he embarked on a small vessel for Holland. 

Arriving at Falmouth, England, in safety he almost 
immediately took passage on a collier for Brittany, from 
which he landed at a point between Brest and St. Paul de 
Leon at the beginning of the following year. On the 5th 
of January, 1644, worn out by hardship and exposure, 
and in the guise of a common sailor, he arrived at the 
college at Rennes, asking for the rector, for whom, he 
informed the attendant, he had tidings of Father Jogues. 
Of the meeting Charlevoix writes: "The rector at once 
came down, and the supposed sailor, without uttering a 
word, handed him an open letter given him by the Gov- 
ernor of Manhattan with a view of obtaining for him in 
Holland whatever he might need to reach France. The 
rector before reading the paper asked him what had 
become of Father Jogues. The holy man looked at him 
with a smile. The rector recognized him, then fell on 
his neck, bathed him in tears, and was so affected that 
for a time he clasped him to his heart unable to say a 
word." The servant of God remained a few days at 
Rennes, and set out for Paris, where his escape was 
known, as he himself impatiently expected. The Queen 
mother wished to seen him, and gave him a welcome 
worthy of her piety. The Pope 1 , from whom he solicited 
permission to celebrate the Divine Mysteries with his 
mutilated hands, replied that it would be unjust to refuse 
a martyr of Christ the right to drink the blood of 

But great as was the reverence -»ho\vn him, and gen- 
eral the desire to do honor to him who had sacrificed so 
much of personal interest for the benefit of the cause, 
they were far from satisfying a man of such noble attri- 
butes as he, to whom such unwonted honors proved most 
unwelcome. Continually chafing under these bonds of 
friendly and generous feeling, it is therefore little to be 
wondered at that his energetic spirit longed for a return 
to those scenes of his former labors where even the fact 

is debarred from saying Mass. Thus it will be seen that the teeth and 
knives of the Iroquois had Inflicted a greater injury than the t 
had imasinpd. having rnhbert him of that privilege whicl 
'he chief consolation of his life. 


of previous barbarous treatment and almost certainty of 
its continuation, should he again fall into the hands of his 
former captors, could not prevent him from desiring. 
Therefore but a short time after arriving in his native 
country, learning of the increasing troubles throughout 

the colony, and that the Hurons were suffering enor- 
mous and continual losses at the hands of the Iroquois, 
he seized the first opportunity of returning to the field of 
his chosen labors, where all too soon he was to sanctify 
a noble and glorious life by the sufferings of martyrdom. 


Cbe Trencb in Canada-Continued. 

CHAPTER VII. the innermost depths of human nature; the orator takes 

suffering for his theme and with it blends the tears of 
joy and sorrow; the organist evolves those waves of 
splendid harmony from out the dark and silent loft; 
and so, even in the most humdrum and common-place 
instances, our lives are spent in "toiling, rejoicing, sor- 
rowing" — a strange admixture of incongruities, yet ever 
potent factors in our being. 

Thus, too, was it with the Jesuit Missionaries of long 
ago, whose zealous interests and noble inspirations led 
but too surely to a premature and bloody grave. Raised 
amidst scenes of refinement, trained in the art of letters, 
nurtured in almost rigid seclusion, brought up in an 
atmosphere abounding with benevolent and religious 
motives, these men still felt it incumbent upon them to 
abandon all, to desert home, friends, country, the possi- 
bility of advancement in churchly ways, public recogni- 
tion and admiration, to not only sink their identity in the 
labors of a far-off mission, but to endure the hardships 
produced by a change of climate, the scarcity of food, 
lack of raiment, the utter want of cleanliness, the barbar- 
ous and inhuman treatment of the natives, and only too 
frequently the martyr's fate. 

Of such a mould and character was Father Jogues, 
who further emphasized his readiness to do and to suffer 
in behalf of humanity by an early return to his uncom- 
pleted labors — the evangelization of the Hurons. Of 
the times which record so graphically -the life of this 
noble man, one has said: "These times of storm and 
persecution have been, in all infant churches, seasons of 
plenty in all heavenly benediction, and have never failed 
\l mortals are led into the commission of heinous to be very fruitful in good Christians. Canada at the 
crime by the glitter and tinsel of sin, so, too, close of the last century was a very striking proof of 
are the good, the great and the inspired lifted from out this truth, and we have seen many illustrious witnesses, 
their natural surroundings and cast within the maelstrom I enjoyed even the happiness of living with some of 
of contending passions, there, by their energy, their those who were actors on that bloody stage, and who 
works and their example, to better the conditions of could, like St. Paul, show on their bodies the marks of 
mankind. Christ. But not only were the apostles of New France 

Thus we see it in the refined and artistic mind, which not unworthy of being compared with the founders of 
often, failing to secure its ideal in Nature's unmeasured the noblest churches, but some of their neophytes also 
realm of beauty, finds it amidst the gloomiest and most recalled the fairest days of the Primitive Church; and I 
uninviting resorts of man — the homes of degradation should deem myself wanting in fidelity to history, were 
and filth, the prison-pen, the scaffold and the grave. I, in deference to what is called the taste of our age, 
The poet, too, seeks music in a sigh, and with it stirs to pass over in silence the more wonderful acts of these 


Father Jogues finds that in Spite of their harassed Condition the Hurons 
remain firm and valiant Upholders of the Faith.— Joseph Taonde- 
choren, the Algonquin Convert.— He is received into the Church 
under somewhat peculiar Circumstances. — Increase in the Christian 
Population at Montreal.— Work of the Converted among their Pagan 
Fellows at Three Rivers and Tadoussac— Progress of Missionary 
Labors at Sylleri, and Lack of necessary Provisions at that Place.— 
The Jesuits are charged wilh having undue pecuniary Interests in 
Canada.— Discredence of the Charge and Declaration of its Falsity 
by the Directors and Associates of the Company of New France. -- 
Journeyings of Father Joseph Bressani in 1644 and his Experience 
with the Iroquois.— His Escape and Return to France.— Decree ,of 
Extermination issued by the Iroquois in their Warfare upon the 
Hurons.— Iroquois Prisoners are brought to Three Rivers.— De Mont- 
magny hastens from Quebec to Three Rivers and finally secures 
their Release.— A Delegation of Iroquois comes to Three Rivers, 
where a Peiicn Council is held. Kiotsaeton, (lie Iroquois Orator. — 
The Terms of Peace are agreed upon. — Return of the Iroquois to 
their Country.— Ratification of Peace by some of the Iroquois Can- 
tons.— Benefits of Peace.— Death of Fathers Anne de Noue and Ene- 
mond Masse.— Attempt of the Sokokis to break the Peace.— Their 
Treachery discovered.— The pacific Understanding between the Col- 
ony and the Iroquois being again ratified at the Request of the Lat- 
ter. — Father Jogues again visits the Iroquois aeeompanied by Sieur 
Bourdon, a leading Citizen of Quebec— His courteous Reception by 
the Sachems and subsequent Return to the Colony.— The Iroquois 
Nation and the Country occupied by them.— Return of Father Jogues 
to the Iroquois and his brutal Treatment by that Nation.— War re- 
newed and Slaughter of the Hurons.— Miraculous Escape of Marie, 
Wife of Jean Baptiste, an Algonquin Convert.— Murder of Father 
Jogues.— The Jessuit Missions.— De Queen's Discovery along the Sa- 
guenay in 1S4(>. — The Abenaquis and their Conversion.— Their Char- 
acteristics as a Nation. Strength and Assistance rendered by them 
to the Colony.— Father Gabriel Dreuillettes goes among them.— He 
meets with Capuchin Fathers on the Banks of the Kennebec. — 
His Success among the Indians and Return to Quebec, where his 
Report is received with great Favor. 

»VEN as the moth is allured to its doom by the 
brilliancy of the flame and weak and vacillating 


men, that I find in the annals of Canada, and more 
capable of glorifying Him who from the heart of barbar- 
ism could raise up children to Abraham." 

But what' seemed most remarkable in the general 
condition of affairs was the fact that, while the Hurons 
were suffering tremendous losses at the hands of their 
ever-wakeful and aggressive enemy, their spirit of moral 
fervor remained firm, constant and unyielding to the 
insistent glamour of pagan ceremony. 

So upon his return to Canada Father Jogues discov- 
ered that, while the Hurons were hard pressed and their 
ranks rapidly thinned by the continuous and vicious 
onslaughts of the Iroquois, they remained firm and 
valiant upholders of the Faith, doing battle for it even 
to the stake, where their behavior evoked unstinted 
commendation from their sternest foes. 

Among many such as these was the Indian Joseph 
Taondechoren, who had borne the welcome tidings of 
Father Jogues' survival to Quebec. He was a man of 
reticent and quiet behavior, who said but little, rarely 
even censuring those who had done him most harm. 
His reason for so doing was, he said, "because God 
diffuses over suffering endured for His sake joys so 
pure and consolations so strong that no animosity can 
be felt against those who have been the instruments." 
The Cause was also greatly strengthened at the time 
by the unexpected conversion of an Algonquin chief, 
who had theretofore been noted for his apparently incon- 
querable antipathy for the Christian religion. His 
sudden request for instruction in the Christian doctrine 
came as a complete and welcome surprise to the good 
missionary, Father Vimond, to whom it was made, and 
the only explanation he could give in any way account- 
ing for it was that he was proceeding from Fort 
Richelieu to Three Rivers when a sudden change took 
place in his mind which he did not understand, and that 
under an influence he seemed unable to control he had 
returned to Montreal for instruction. To this statement 
he added that his wife was equally earnest in her desire 
to attain a proper understanding of the true religion, 
and that if the missionary saw fit to refuse their request 
they would at once apply for information to the Hurons, 
who, they felt confident, would grant it. It hardly need 
be stated that such an alternative was unnecessary, the 
missionary being overwhelmed with joy at the oppor- 
tunity thus afforded. This voluntary act on the part of 
the Algonquin chief led to the conversion of many 
others, so that the work soon by far exceeded the 
capacity of the two missionaries then in charge at 

From that time forth, much progress was made 
among the people of the Algonquin missions, who 
seemed almost spontaneously to realize the benefit to be 

gained by such a change. Nor did time alter their 
opinion or fervor in this respect. So many and frequent, 
in fact, were the acquisitions of the community that it 
was not long before the number of Christians at 
Montreal exceeded that of the heathens. Matters were 
still further advanced in conveying the Word to all 
parts of the country by means of a number of Christian 
Indians who had undertaken the work of instructing 
their less fortunate and unenlightened fellows in behalf 
of the missionaries. This was also the case at Three 
Rivers and Tadoussac, where a number of neophytes 
were engaged in the work, many of them expressing 
their devotion to and interest in the Cause by making 
long and tedious journeys through all kinds of weather, 
and suffering much privation and numerous other 
inconveniences rather than that the work should experi- 
ence any delay. 

At Sylleri the work was also progressing noticeably 
and favorably, but, unfortunately for the settlement, it 
soon became a mark for roving bands of Iroquois, who 
never failed where opportunity presented itself to 
capture those whom they might discover unprotected 
at any distance from the town. This inaugurated a 
season of hardships for the inhabitants of Sylleri, inas- 
much as it prescribed the possibility, at least without 
great danger, of their taking advantage of the hunting 
season. Neither could they with safety go forth as 
previously and cultivate the soil, but rather were com- 
pelled to remain shut up within the palisades, where at 
last they were brought to a stage of destitution which 
was most deplorable. From this state, although desirous 
of doing so, the French were unable to relieve them to 
any extent, being themselves subjected to the most 
rigid economy in order that they might subsist. 

But here a new trouble arose, for while the material 
interests of the colony were undergoing these most 
oppressive and disheartening conditions, the people 
became both alarmed and indignant at numerous 
charges arising in France which had been made against 
the honesty and purity in motive of the missionaries, 
who, it was loudly insinuated, had taken up their resi- 
dence in Canada with a view rather to advancing their 
own material interests by means of trade than for any 
disposition they might have for the enlightenment and 
civilization of the Indians. Naturally, as all evil reports 
are sure to do, these statements spread rapidly, receiving 
more or less credit, and in fact were so strongly empha- 
sized that, though disgusting to the sensitive natures of 
these noble men, actually compelled them to argue and 
make statements in their own defense. However, there 
was one contingent their calumniators had not foreseen 
which was sure to quickly and effectively react upon 
their foolish statements. This appeared in the person 



of the Company of One Hundred Associates, who, by 
such trade as that imputed to the Jesuits, would have 
been the ones to suffer the most severely. In fact, they 
were in a condition to know tha£ these statements were 
false and had been made without the slightest attention 
to truth or consistency, and they felt in honor bound to 
•defend these men by making a united declaration, which 
was as follows: 

"The directors and associates in the Company of 
New France, in Canada, having heard that some persons 
were persuaded and spread the report that the society 
of the Jesuit Fathers has a share in the embarkation, 
returns and trade carried on with that country — seeking 
by these means to allure and destroy the esteem and 
value of the great labors which those missionaries under- 
take in said country, with incredible pain and hardship 
and at the peril of their lives, for the service and glorv 
of God, in converting the Indians to the faith of Chris- 
tianity and the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion, in 
which they have made and duly make due progress — 
of which the said Company is particularly informed, 
having deemed themselves bound by the obligation of 
Christian charity to disabuse those who entertained this 
belief by the declaration and certificate which they make 
by these presents, that the said Jesuit Fathers are not 
associates in the said Company of New France, either 
directly or indirectly, and have no interest in the sales 
of goods made there. In testimony whereof the present 
declaration has been signed by the said directors and 
.associates 1 , and sealed with the seal of the said Company 
the first day of December, 1643." 

Thus was the calumny brought to an inglorious 
■ending, although the Jesuits were much humiliated to 
think that having traded a few beaver skins for the 
necessaries of life should have gained for them a reputa- 
tion for mercenary motives which was far from being 
theirs. This was more particularly the case when, in 
the uncalled-for degradation thus incurred, they but too 
readily noted the willingness on the part of others to 
overlook the many horrors which accompanied their 
vocation; the memory of those who had already fallen 
victims to the murderous instincts of the Iroquois; the 
number of zealous workers who were prisoners in the 
hands of the foe, and of the hundred and one other 
instances which had gone to show an earnest desire for 
the promulgation of Christianity on their part, and at 
whatever cost to them. The condition of the mission- 
aries was, in fact, anything but to be desired; for, not 
only had their characters as men been thoughtlessly 
and viciously assailed, but their material interests had 
been disregarded, while, at the same time, they had for 

three years been left without the slightest assistance 
from Quebec in the way of supplies. Finally a number 
of Hurons who had undertaken a similar journey started 
forth with a load of clothing and provisions, and were 
on that occasion, at their earnest request, accompanied 
by Father Francis Joseph Bressani, 1 who volunteered for 
that purpose. So, in the latter part of April, 1644, be 
set forth from Quebec, accompanied by a young French- 
man and six Hurons, two of the latter having but 
recently escaped from the Iroquois. Thus they traveled 
without incident as far as the entrance of Lake St. 
Pierre, where they fell into the hands of a party of 
Iroquois. By these people Father Bressani was treated 
with such extreme brutality that it seemed almost a 
miracle his life was spared. However, when he had 
about given up all hope, a council meeting was held, at 
which it was decided to spare his life, and he was finally 
taken to the nearest Dutch post, where he was received 
kindly and as soon as his condition permitted sent back 
to his native country. 

These hostilities continued between the tribes, 
although the Iroquois, who had always declared theF 
intention of making their war upon the Hurons one oi 
extermination, had on several occasions made advances 
toward the French and shown a decided inclination for 
peace. The Governor of Quebec was naturally quite 
ardent, too, in his desire that such a condition of affairs 
should be brought about, as the number of his people 
available in case of an attack was quite limited, while, 
owing to the laxity or indifference on the part of the 
Company, he was quite often without the necessary 
munitions in case a protracted war should be entered 
upon. It was while in this uncertain and most uncom- 
fortable condition and some time subsequent to the 
affair of Father Bressani, previously related, that 
M. de Champfleur, governor of Three Rivers, sent him 
word that a party of Hurons had just arrived at the 
settlement, bringing with them three Iroquois prisoners, 

Dphy and mathematics. Filled with zeal for the sal- 
vation of souls, and doubtless moved by the example of Chaumonot 
and Poneet, he solicited the Canada mission, and was sent to America 
in 1642. For two years he was employed among the colonists and Algon- 
quins near Quebec. Sent then to the Hurons in 1644, he fell with his 
companions into a Mohawk ambuscade near Fort Richelieu and was 
taken prisoner. Father Bressani was tortured and condemned to 

, he i 

Led ' 

then hurried on again over rocks and thorns, famishing with hunger, 
spent with blows and loss of blood, he reached the first Mohawk vil- 
lage to run again the fearful race and meet the torture on the scaf- 
fold and in the cabins. He was now a living mass of corruption, the 
worms that bred in him dropping as he moved. Yet he lived, and 
when they changed their resolution i " 
she sold him to the Dutc" 
to France. Canada wa: 
1648, and accompanied the party to Quebec, which, attacked by the 
Mohawks, defeated them with loss. He returned the same year. 
After the death of Daniel de Brebeuf and Lalemant, he was sent to 
Quebec again in 1619 for aid, but could not return till the following 
year. Wounded on the way by the Iroquois, who again attacked him, he 
the first Huron party emigrating to Quejpec, and 1 



Montreal in 1852.— Shea. 


one of whom they had, however, given to the Algon- 
quin*. He further added that he had arranged with 
these people to make no disposiclon of the prisoners 
until they had heard from Quebec, believing that, could 
he secure their release and return them to their people, 
it would be the means of effecting a friendly alliance 
with the Iroquois, or at least induce them to relent to a 
certain extent in carrying out their former determina- 
tion of bitter and relentless warfare. 

On learning of the situation, de Montmagny at once 
hastened to Three Rivers, where he set before the 
Indians the necessity for such a step as that proposed, 
and, in addition, to enforce and emphasize his desire in 
regard to the matter, gave them a number of presents 
as an evidence of his extreme regard fur them. The 
chief of the Algonquins immediately acquiesced in his 
request, paying a grateful tribute to the worth of the 
Governor and stating blandly that it would be impossible 
for him to deny him anything. But he was momentarily 
embarrassed by the actions of one of the Hurons, who 
strongly maintained his desire to be considered as a 
warrior, not a trader; that if the Governor desired his 
prisoners, he could have them, but not in return for gifts; 
for that he could replace them or die in the endeavor, 
although in the latter case his people would charge his 
death to Ononthio. Following him arose another 
Huron, a convert, who said: "Ononthio, let not the 
words of my brother indispose you against us. If we 
cannot consent to give you up our prisoners, it is for 
reasons that you will not disapprove. We should lose 
honor if we did so. You see no old man among us; 
young people, as we are, are not masters of their actions, 
and warriors would be dishonored if, instead of return- 
ing home with captives, they made their appearance 
with goods. What would you say yourself, father, to 
your soldiers if you saw them come back from the war 
in the guise of merchants? The mere wish which you 
express to have our skives might take the place of 
ransom; but it does not lie with us to dispose of them. 
Our brethren, the Algonquins, could do what you ask 
of them, because they are with their sachems, who are 
answerable to no man for their conduct; not being 
restrained by the same motives as ourselves, they could 
not in courtesy refuse you so trifling a matter. Our 
sachems, when they know our intentions, will doubtless 
pursue some course. We all desire peace; we enter 
into your views; we even anticipated them, for we have 
done no harm to our prisoners; we have treated them 
as men who are to be our friends; but it does not 
become us to forestall the consent of our seniors, nor 
deprive them of so brilliant an opportunity of showing 
our father how they respect his will. 

"Another reason also restrains us, and I am sure 

that it will be as legitimate as the first in your eyes. We 
know that the river is covered with our enemies; if we 
meet a force superior to us, what will your presents 
avail except to embarrass us and animate them the more 
to the combat, to profit by our booty? But if they see 
among us some of their brethren who show that we 
desire peace; that Ononthio wishes to be father of all 
the nations; that he can no longer permit his children, 
whom he bears alike in his bosom, to continue to destroy 
each other, their arms will fall from their hands. Our 
prisoners will save our lives and they will labor much 
more efficaciously for peace than if too great anxiety 
is shown to set them free." 

The plea was well and ably made, it being evident to 
all that it would prove the most satisfactory as well as 
certain means of bringing- about a favorable termina- 
tion of the existing difficulties. Xone were keener to 
appreciate this act than the Governor of Quebec, who 
not only heartily endorsed the proposal made by the. 
Huron chief, but did everything in his power to induce 
them to carry out and complete the idea. So the matter 
was amicably settled, the Hurons departing for their 
country accompanied by Father de Brebeuf. who had 
for some time impatiently awaited an opportunity of 
returning to his mission, which he had been compelled 
to leave for a period for the purpose of securing neces- 
saries otherwise unobtainable. Accompanying him were 
two other missionaries of the Jesuit Order — Fathers 
Leonard Garreau and Natalis Chabanel. 1 

So the party started out, although the < rovernor, 
wary of former experiences, sent a sufficient escort 
along to protect them from wandering and aggressive 
bands of the enemy with whom they might come in 
contact. Fortunately, however, the journey was accom- 
plished without any difficulty whatsoever; so that when 
the party had safely arrived within the limits of the 
Huron country it was decided, at a meeting of the chiefs 
then held, that, in accordance with his request, the 
Iroquois prisoners should be returned to the Governor 
of Quebec. De Montmagny had, however, not waited 
f< n- the return of his people, having already set at liberty 
the Iroquois prisoner who had been given over to him, 
and returned him with suitable offerings to his people. 

(1) Of the former's experience among the Huron i 

»\t.'ii(lr(l notice will tic given at a later neriod. Of the latter it may 
he said that the life to which he was subjected was extremely objec- 
tionable to him. ami that it was only the extreme firmness of his moral 
character, and the groat desire on his part to do something that would 
reileet credit on the Order and be of benefit to his fellow men, that 
induced him to undertake the task. Father Chabanel, in fact, Parkman 
tells us detested the Indian life— the smoke, the vermin, the filth, the 
I.iihI, the impossibility of privacy. He could not study by the smoky lodge 
fire among the noisy crowd of men and squaws with their dogs, and 
their restless, screeching children. He had a natural inaptitude to 
learning the language and labored at it for five years with scarcely any 
signs of progress. The devil whispered a suggestion into his ear: let 
him procure his release from these barren and repulsive toils, and 
return to France, where congenial employment awaited him. Chabanel 
refused to listen, and when the temptation still beset him, he bound 
himself by a solemn vow to remain in Canada to the day of his death. 
This act of severity on his part is most, duly given and attested in the 
Relation of Ragueneau, 1850, in which Chabanel's vow is given ver- 


The wisdom of this act on his part was made manifest 
in the reply of the numerous Iroquois cantons, who, to 
show their appreciation of the act and anxiety for a 
better understanding- with the French, returned to him 
the Frenchman Couture, who had remained a prisoner 
in their hands for some considerable time. Accom- 
panying' this man also came the Iroquois prisoner, 
besides a number of deputies from the tribes, to whom 
had been accorded the authority to confer with the 
Governor and arrange for a treaty with him. That then- 
coming was a welcome evidence of the desire of their 
nation for an understanding, was fully appreciated at 
Quebec, and their arrival at Three Rivers being- 
announced, de Montmagny lost no time in arranging 
for a specific date 1 at which a general council and 
discussion of the situation might be held. On this occa- 
sion the scene was a most imposing one, the French 
being represented by the < rovernor, M. de Champfleur, 
Governor of Three Rivers, Father Vimond, 2 and a 
number of the principal inhabitants of the colony, while 
the deputies of the Iroquois, five in number,-' 1 were 
seated at his feet, a point selected by them in order to 
show their great and lasting respect. In addition to 
these, a number of Montmagnez, Algonquins and Atti- 
kamegues were present in a body, while a numerous 
representation of the Hurons were scattered throughout 
the meeting among the French. 

The story of this meeting is both interesting and 
instructive, affording in a most graphic manner an excel- 
lent idea of the many peculiar features attached to such 
occasions, the remarkable gift of oratory exhibited by 
many chiefs and their suave and cautious method of 
handling a delicate subject, which would even obtain 
credit for the lofty ideals of statesmanship in civilized 
countries. And while many of their speeches appear 
excessive in grandiloquence and overburdened with 
redundancy, they were, perhaps, made more apparently 
so by the method of illustration which was ever a part 
or detail of set speeches on such occasions. To this 
particular gathering, we are told, the emissaries of the 
Iroquois nation brought seventeen belts, 4 which repre- 

3 feasted continuously 

(1) It is stated that the Iroquois embassie 
for a week, through whii li mm' they w.-iv ih, 
Hurons, and Algonquins, respectively. At I. 
grand peace council took place. 

that a number of other Jesuits 
i being Father Jogues. 
sre but four altogethe 

(2) Als 
were present at the cot 

(3) Parkman stati 
party, one being the lil 
Mohawk nation, and tl 
been given up as dead. 

(4) In this peculiar display of illustrative oratory, the third belt 
was used as a symbol to declare that the nation of the orator, the Iroquois, 
had sent presents to the other nations to recall their war parties, in 
view of the approaching peace. The fourth belt was presented as an 
assurance that the memory of slain Iroquois no longer stirred the living 
to vengeance, being emphasized in the following graphic language as 
presented by Parkman: "I passed near the place where Piskaret and 
the Algonquins slew our warriors in the spring. I saw the scene of 
the fight where the two prisoners here were taken. I passed quickly; I 
would not look on the blood of my people. Their bodies lie there still; 

fay my eyes that I might not be angry.' Then stooping. 

sented, according to their manner of presentation, seven- 
teen distinct propositions which they desired to lay 
before the council for consideration and adoption. 

In order that they might be enabled to do so with 
the utmost effect, they erected two posts, between whicli 
a cord was stretched, and upon this cord, as each partic- 
ular subject was brought to the notice of his hearers 
by the orator, a belt was hung. 

The particular oration to which we at the present 
time refer is graphically described by Charlevoix as 
follows: "All being ranged in the order described, the 
orator of the canton ( KiotsactoiF or the Flook), rose, 
took the belt, presented it to the Governor-General, and 
said: 'Ononthio, give ear to my voice; all the Iroquois 
speak- by my mouth. My heart has no evil thought; 
all my intentions are upright. We wish to forget all 
our songs of war and let them give place to chants of 
joy.' He immediately began to sing, his colleagues 
keeping time with their hey, drawn in cadence from the 
bottom of the chest, and. while chanting, he walked witli 
great strides and gesticulated in a manner ludicrous 

"He often looked up to the sun, rubbed his arms as 
if to prepare for the struggle; at last he assumed a 

m the knife and the fire." When 'i I 

lean! this v. 

lice I went "on 

and journeyed hither, to deliver tho; 

i still hold in 

)" its was to 

snts generally! 

make the journey smooth and invitii 

- ofiiee for the way by land. Here t 

hew and fell the trees, saying: ■'Look 

ight. There is no thorn or stick or : 

the smoke of our villages from Qu 

heart of our 

' The ninth belt, a remarkable beai 

Jty, desisna' 

he friendly relations proposed betweei 

is, the French 

the Fren.-h 

to a feast in 

try of the Iroquois. "Our country," s 

tated the Iro 

quois, "is full 

venison, moose, beaver, and game of 

Leave these 

ine that run about among our houses 

;. feeding on 

garbage, and 

I eat good food with us. The road is 

is no danger." 

had the pile laid to 
times if God had not 
belts had been prop* 

Having landed, 

handsomely entei 
this interesting r 

f'liainptlpur, though 
expressing c" 
tranquilly s 

After the purpos 

but in my own house I am som'et 
me with all manner of good cheer 
the French conceived that they 
He undoubtedly belonged to 
though rarely or never claiming li 
great influence among the Iroquo 
of embassy and negotiation. The; 
' ng tenacity, and were perfect i 

he strt 

"my grandson, my grandsc 

I hear the 

the language of India 

. tone of affectio 


calmer air, and continued his speech. 'The belt which 
I present you, father, thanks you for giving life to my 
brother; you have rescued him from the teeth of the 
Algonquins, but how could you let him set out alone? 
Had his canoe turned, who was to help him to right it? 
Had he drowned or perished by any accident, you would 
have had no tidings of peace, and perhaps have cast the 
blame on us, when it rested solely on yourself.' With 
these words he hung the belt on the cord, took another, 
and, binding it on Couture's arm, he again turned to 
the Governor and said: 'Father, this belt brings back 
your subject; I was far from saying, 'Nephew, take a 
canoe and return to your country.' I should never have 
been tranquil till I had sure tidings of his arrival. 

" 'My brother whom you sent back has suffered 
much and run great risk; he had to carry his pack 
alone, row all day, drag his canoe over the rapids, be 
always on the watch against surprise.' The orator 
accompanied his words with very expressive gestures, 
sometimes seeming to see a man urging on his canoe 
with a pole; sometimes turned off a wave with a paddle; 
sometimes he seemed out of breath, then took heart 
again, and for some time remained calm enough. 

"He then pretended to strike his foot against a stone 
while carrying his baggage; then he limped as if lamed; 
'Even,' he cried after all this pantomime, 'if he had been 
aided to pass the most difficult spots! Indeed, father, 
I do not know where your mind was, to send back one 
of your children alone and unaided. I did not do the 
same with regard to Couture. I said to him, "Let us 
go, nephew; follow me. I will restore you to your 
family at the risk of my life." ' " 

In his reply to the propositions of the Iroquois as 
presented by Kiotsaeton in the grand peace council, 
de Montmagny accepted the proffered offer of peace, 
emphasizing his acceptance by numerous gifts of con- 
siderable value. A demand made by him, however, at 
this time, upon which particular stress was laid, was to 
the effect that the Indian allies should be left unmolested 
till their head chiefs had been notified of the result of 
the meeting and had been given sufficient time to make 
a formal acceptance of the treaty in their own behalf. 
At the conclusion of the Governor's speech, the Algon- 
quin Chief Piskaret 1 made numerous valuable presents 
to the Iroquois, saying, among other things, "Here is 
a stone which I set on the grave of all who fell during 
the war, that no one may come to move their bones 
or think of avenging them." Much stress was laid upon 
the evident earnestness of the remarks made by this 
chief, 2 who was recognized as one of the bravest men 
in all Canada. 

The Chief of the Montagnez, named Negabamet, also 
presented the ambassadors of the Iroquois with a moose 
skin with which to make themselves moccasins, so that 
their feet might not become injured on the homeward 
journey. Of the other tribes present, none took active 
part in the discussion, although acquiescing as a whole 
in the decisions arrived at between Montmagny and the 
others. Thus, at least for a while, and many hoped 
definitely, was settled the dispute and hostilities between 
the nations, a condition which was alike approved and 
rejoiced in by a majority of those concerned, that is, 
at least so far as the French and their Indian allies were 

The treaty, therefore, having been satisfactorily ar- 
ranged for, the emissaries of the Iroquois started upon 
their return journey, two of the French, two Hurons and 
two Algonquins accompanying them, while three of their 
people remained as hostages at Three Rivers. The 
treaty was finally ratified by the Mohawk canton, after 
which the two Frenchmen and four Indians returned 
to Three Rivers. They also brought with them a press- 
ing invitation from the Iroquois for some missionaries 
to come and take up their abode with them. Thev 
further averred that the other tribes of the Huron and 
Algonquin families were satisfied with the treaty and 
ready to stand by its provisions. 

It was at about this time that the missionary, Father 
Bressani, reached Quebec, from which place in a few 
days he continued his journey, in company with Father 
Poncet, on his way to the Huron missions, although he 
strongly urged his claims for a like position among the 
Iroquois, if that field were open for missionary admin- 
istration. Matters now continued in a most pleasing 
and satisfactory manner to all parties concerned, the 

their serious lack of organiz. 

i recognized chief in deed 
- T ~Jians 
i the 

(1) Also Pieskaret. 

(2) This man stood 
others of his nation, wl 

r from among the he 

In the hope of French favor and countenance— always useful to an ambi- 
tious Indian— and perhaps, too, with an eye to the gun and the powder- 
horn which formed the earthly reward of the convert. Tradition tells 
marvelous stories of his exploits. Once, it is said, he entered an Iro- 
quois town on a dark night. His first care was to seek out a sleeping 
place, and he soon found one in the midst of a large wood pile. Next 
he crept into a lodge and found the inmates asleep, killed them 
with his war club, took their scalps and quietly withdrew to 
the retreat he had prepared. In the morning a howl of lam- 
entation and fury rose from the astonished villagers. They ranged 
the fields in vain pursuit of the mysterious enemy, who remained 
all day in the wood pile, whence at night he came forth and repeated 
his exploit. On the third night every family placed its sentinels; and 
Piskaret, stealthily creeping from lodge to lodge, reconnoitering each 
through crevices in the bark, saw watchers everywhere. At length 
he descried a sentinel who had fallen asleep, near the entrance to a lodge, 
though his companion at the other end was still awake and vigilant. He 
pushed aside the sheet of bark that served as a door, struck the sleeper 
a deadly blow, yelled his war-cry, and fled like the wind. All the 
village swarmed out in furious chase, but Piskaret was the swiftest 
— "v kent in advance of his nursuei_. 

night all but six had 
given over the chase; and even these, exhausted as they were, had begun 
to despair. Piskaret, seeing a hollow tree, crept into it like a bear, and 
hid himself, while the Iroquois, losing his traces in the dark, lay down to 
sleep near by. At midnight he emerged from his retreat, stealthily 
approached his slumbering enemies, nimbly brained them all with his 
war-club, and then, burdened with a goodly bundle of scalps, journeyed 
homeward In triumph." Many other wonderful escapades and adventures 
are accorded to him, but he finally met with the fate so often meted out 
by him to others, for, taken unawares and under the guise of friendship. 


winter of 1645-6 being made notable from the fact that 
the peace arrangement had brought about a co-mingling 
of tribes never before deemed possible. It was also a 
time of great benefit to the missionaries, who, owing to 
the generally peaceful condition of the country, were 
enabled to enlarge their field of operation and to 
strengthen and upbuild many points of operation where 
previously the work, though arduous and sincere, had 
given but little intimation of improvement or success. 

The peace also enabled the colony to advance its 
commercial interests and improve its fur trade, the result 
of which was that a fleet which sailed for France on 
October 24, 1645, carried 30,000 pounds of beaver. 
Another striking feature at this time was the effort made 
by the Society of Montreal to have an Episcopal See 
established at that settlement. This undertaking would 
doubtless have been brought to a successful issue had it 
not been for the sudden and unexpected death of the 
Rev. Mr. Legauffre, a worthy and zealous member of 
the society. Subsequently, however, the matter was 
taken in hand by Cardinal Marzarin and the French 
bishops, but it finally failed of accomplishment. 

During the earlier part of the year 1646 the mission- 
ary force of New France met with a severe loss in the 
death of Father Enemond Masse, who died at Sylleri 
while still in the active exercises of his duties. This 
unhappy event occurred somewhere between May n 
and 16 of that year. This blow was doubly felt, as it 
followed by but a few months the loss of the revered 
Anne de Noue. 1 

(1) Father Masse was one of the Jesuits who occupied the mission 
house at Quebec in 1634, at which time Father le Jeune was Superior. 
He had been nicknamed "le Pere Utile," owing to his many useful 
qualities, and had accompanied Father Biard in an attempt to maintain 
a mission in Acadia. Like others of the Order, he too had endeavored 
to become satisfied with, or rather inure himself to a life among the 
natives, but the hard fare, the smoke and filth and other noticeable fea- 
tures pertaining to- that condition were altogether beyond his endurance. 
After a life of remarkable adventure, he, with two others of the brother- 
hood, Charles Lalemant and Jean de Brebeuf, embarked for the 
of New France, so that a decade and a half after Biard and Mass 
landed in Acadia Canada first became acquainted with those who 
sequently did so much towards <the settlement and evangelizati 
that country. Father Masse's death occurred at the 

then being hastened by the arduous duties which 
France during his 

1632, where, after s 

Of this occurrence 
Father Anne de Noue 
built by the French at 
to sav Mass and hear c 
the time of his comin! 

man. says: "On the 30th January, 1636, 
from Three Rivers to come to the Fort 
)Uth of the river Richelieu, where he was 
De Noue was sixty-thre 

Canada in 1625. As an indifferent memory 

g the Indian languages, lie devoted himself 

spiritual charge of the French and of the Indians about the 

-'■— ireter. For the rest he attended the sick, 

.j the .„_ 

inrts within reach of 

for the subsistei 
family in Chamr. 
his idea of duty 
"The old m 
Indian. They wi 
gage on small =1. dui 

of his flock. In short, though sprung from a noble 
ne, he shrunk from no toil, however humble, to which 
his vow of obedience called him. 

onary had for companions two soldiers and a Huron 
-" and the soldie_rs dragged their bag- 

highway was the St. Lawre___ 
solid ice, and buried like the country beneath two or 
snow, which far and near glared dazzling white in the clef 
Before the night, they had walked eighteen miles, and the so 
greatly fatigued. They made their cami 

vav the snow, heaped it around the spo 
tade their fire on the frozen earth in t 

For some time now following the peace gathering 
at Three Rivers the colonists had enjoyed many desir- 
able benefits accruing from the general understanding, 
for, not only had it afforded to them a special oppor- 
tunity for enlarging their sphere of commercial action 
by enabling them to open up new channels and thereby 
add considerably to their material condition, but, what 
was better still, it had given to them the privileges of a 
free and independent style of living, so that, unham- 
pered by the fear of treacherous and lurking foes, they 
could go forth to their labors or enjoyment in freedom 
and unrestraint. Unfortunately, this condition of affairs 
was but of short duration, for hardly had the good 
people begun to appreciate the happiness and true desir- 
ability of the situation, when war clouds lowered once 
more upon that unfortunate country. 

A serious misunderstanding arose, which, owing to 
the treacherous actions of the Sokokis, came near em- 
broiling the Hurons and Iroquois once more in a deadly 
and destructive strife. These Sokokis, it would seem, 
had always maintained a bitter hatred towards the 
Algonquins; so much so, in fact, that they had utilized 
every available means in their power to estrange the 
Iroquois from them and prevent that tribe from estab- 
lishing a peace footing with them. Unable to do this, 
they waited patiently an opportunity when, by means 
both vindictive and cruel, they could arouse the slum- 
bering passions of the tribes. One day an opportunity 
presented itself. Three of the native residents 2 of Sylleri 
who had ventured a short distance beyond the confines 
of the town were found murdered, and hardly had the 
people overcome their first surprise and alarm at the 
occurrence when two others — man and wife — were 
tomahawked, scalped and left for dead. The woman 

thought struck the Father that he might ease his companions by going 
in advance to Fort Richelie" and sending back men to aid them in 
dragging their sledges. So he set forth. Before dawn the weather 
changed. The air thickened, cloi'ds hid 

r darkness. He lost the poin 

.... The traveler 

pass, wandered far out on the lake, and •* 
nothing but the snow beneath his feet, and the myriads of falling flakes 
that encompassed him like a curtain impervious to the sight. Still he 
toiled on, winding hither and thither, and at times unwittingly circling 
back on his own footsteps. At night he dug a hole in the snow on the 
shore of an island, and lay down, without fire, food, or blanket. In the 
meantime the two soldiers and Indian, though failing to discover his foot- 
prints, started towards the fort, but the Indian being ignorant of the 
country and the Frenchmen unskilled they lost their way. Towards even- 
ing they encamped on the shore of the island of St. Ignace, where the 
Indian left them to pursue his journey to the fort. Here lie finally arrived 
mid was mm U excited and surprised on learning that de Noue had not 
been. seen. At daybreak parties were sent out to search. The soldiers 
were quicklv found, but the missionary was nowhere to be seen. Thus 
they hunted throughout the entire day. On the following morning the 
search was renewed by an Indian named Charles and a companion, who, 
with a French soldier, started out in the vain hope of finding him. Not 
long after they came upon his footsteps, and thenceforth traced him 
through all of h' ' 
island, and ther 
without discover 

jourheyings, discovered the 

; sight— stopped 

followed him to the Fort. ___ 
: it— perhaps weakness had dimmed 1_._ _. 
a. league above, and thence made his way about thre 
leagues farther. Here they found him. He had dug a circular excava- 
tion in the snow, and was kneeling in it on the earth. His head was bare, 
his eyes opened and turned upwards, and his hands clasped on his 
breast. His hat and his snow-shoes lay at his side. The body \ 
ing sliehllv forward resting against the bank of snow before 
frozen to the hardness of marble. Thus in an act of kindnes 
died the first martyr of the Canadian mission." 

The bodv of Father de Noue was conveyed to Three 1 
his funeral services were celebrated with great solemnity. 
(2) Montagnez. 

and charity 

Ml. sloRY OF THE 

recovered, and it was through that most fortunate and 
almost miraculous occurrence that the Iroquois were 
relieved of the suspicion which had momentarily rested 
upon them, while the real culprits, the sneaking and 
brutal Sokokis, were discovered and their villainous plot 
revealed. Had the circumstances surrounding the out- 
come of this incident been less fortunate, it is hardlv 
possible to estimate the amount of damage which would 
have been done, not only to the material interests of the 
colony, but to the spiritual condition of affairs which had 
consumed such an immense amount of time, labor and 
suffering to bring it to its even then crude and unsatis- 
factory condition. As it was, however, the occurrence 
proved, it might almost be said, a blessing in disguise, 
for it had the effect of opening the eyes of all parties 
concerned to the seriousness of the case, as well as 
to the great responsibility devolving upon each as a 
factor in the new arrangement and the necessity for 
their careful and deliberate consideration of all points 
which might arise or be brought forward for the purpose 
of breaking in upon or destroying their present friendly 
relations. They therefore came together once more and 
the treaty which had been authorized by the peace 
gathering of the previous year was again ratified by 
emissaries of the Iroquois, the object of their visit to 
the colony also being to bear the condolence of the tribe 
to the settlement for the great loss they had sustained in 
the deaths of Fathers de Noue and Masse. 

But here, undoubtedly, the small point of the wedge 
had been entered, which, ere long, driven by the passions 
and excesses of the savages to its full extent and to the 
very heart of this quivering and desolate country, was to 
cause not only the absolute annihilation of a number of 
the largest and most prominent tribes of Canada, but 
also, to a great extent and for a considerable period, 
neutralize the effects of religious culture, which had cost 
so many years of patient suffering and persistent labor 
on the part of the missionary fathers, the lives of many 
of whom, in fact, had been cheerfully rendered in behalf 
of the Cause. 

The subsequent difficulty of which the foregoing 
incident was the precursor was also perhaps hastened to 
some extent by an unintentional oversight on the part 
of de Montmagny, w r ho had been advised by the repre- 
sentatives of the Iroquois nation to keep a vigilant watch 
on those of their people who had not as yet become 
parties of the treaty and who had been holding back, 
awaiting friendly action on his part in the anticipated 
release of a number of braves belonging to their several 
cantons who were held prisoners by the allies. There 
were four of these tribes or settlements who thus stood 
aloof from the general arrangement, not actually becom- 
ing aggressors, but evidently feeling the slight which 

they deemed had been put upon them, and naturally, as 
with those whose minds have ever been trained to act 
in unison with instinct or on the spur of the moment, 
began to think all kinds of unpleasant things, thus grad- 
ually, although perhaps all unthinkingly, fanning the 
slumbering embers of discord into an apparent and 
menacing flame. 

It was at this juncture that Father Jogues again 
became an active factor in the field, and realizing the 
seriousness' of the situation with that whole-heartedness 
and entire lack of individual interest which had ever 
marked his course through life, offered his services as 
preacher and teacher to go among these people, whose 
language he thoroughly understood, and thereby gain 
an additional hold upon their moral being which would 
doubtless have a beneficial effect upon their actions as 
regards the material conditions of the country. 

So he returned with the envoys, hoping and promis- 
ing, if successful, to come back with the news of their 
good fortune and the promised allegiance of all of the 
cantons to the treaty. On this journey he was accom- 
panied by the Sieur Bourdon, a leading citizen of 
Quebec, proprietor of the fiefs of St. John and St. 
Francis in the dependency of Quebec, chief engineer 
and subsequently procurator-general of New France, 
who came to the colony in 1633 or 1634 and was made 
Seigneur of Domburg (now Neuville and Pointe aux 
Trembles) in 1637. They left Three Rivers on May 16, 
T646, taking their final departure from Fort Richelieu 
two days later. In addition to those already named, 
there were two Algonquins who followed in an extra 
canoe which was loaded with presents from their people 
to the Iroquois. The party made this journey by way 
of Lake George, the Mohawk name for which was 
Andiatarocte or "Where the lake closes," to which 
Father logues gave the name of Lake Ste. Sacrament 
or Lake of the Blessed Sacrament, owing to their arrival 
there on the eve of Corpus Christi; then they forded 
the upper Hudson, striking the river again at Ossarague, 
a fishing post, from whence they descended in canoes 
to Fort Orange, where they arrived on June 4. Two 
days later they left the fort and continued their journey, 
reaching the town of Osserrion, which the missionary 
called Holy Trinity, on the following evening. Here 
they were met by the Sachems with every courtesy. 
Having delivered the presents sent to them by the Gov- 
ernor with appropriate remarks, and expressing a desire 
lor continued and lasting friendship between them, after 
a few davs rest among these people, Father Jogues set 
forth June 16 on his return journey to the settlement, 
arriving at Fort Richelieu on June 27. Here he reported 
to de Montmagny the condition of affairs as it appeared 
to him, although the Governor seemed prone to attribute 



his enthusiasm to an undue amount of reliance on the 
part of the missionary in the nation's pledges. 

Now, it is a generally conceded fact that the Iroquois 
were perfectly conscientious and honest in professing a 
desire for peace, as was made still more evident in their 
reiterated statements to the same effect after their return 
from the council at Three Rivers. But the treaty, we 
are told, had two glaring- defects; one being the natural 
capaciousness and unreliability of the Indian character, 
while the latter — equally, if not far more important — 
was constituted in the fact that the envoys visiting Three 
Rivers represented but one nation (the Mohawks), and 
not the entire Five, as had naturally been supposed. 
Each of these nations was wont to act independently of 
the other regarding matters pertaining to peace and war, 
and even their enemy was by no means necessarily a 
common one, as evidenced in this instance or at this 
time, where the Mohawks had conducted operations 
particularly against the French and their Indian allies 
on the lower St. Lawrence, while the four other nations 
divided their time between the Hurons, Upper Algon- 
qums and < ther' tribes occupying the interior. Cut, 
though far from perfect, the treaty, even as it stood, 
was fulfilling a great mission, and as such was fostered 
with utmost circumspection by de Montmagny, the 
missionaries and colonists alike. 

At the time of which we speak, the Mohawks were 
most numerous of all the Iroquois nation, excepting 
the Senecas, who, a few years earlier than the period 
we write of, were double at least their number. No 
cause is known for this somewhat appalling diminution 
in their ranks, saving alone for their active and warlike 
spirit and tireless activity in pursuit of the enemy. In 
or about the year 1646 their numbers were estimated at 
from six to seven hundred warriors. But, though they 
figured more often as victors than victims, their rapidly 
succeeding hostilities with the Mohegans, the Andastes 
and Algonquins and the French, depleted their ranks 
to an alarming extent, so that well within two decades 
they had become reduced numerically from second to 
next to last among the Five Nations. To be more 
specific, the total number of Iroquois in 1660 was esti- 
mated at 2,200, being divided as follows: Mohawks, 
500; Oneidas, 100; Onondagas, 300; Cayugas, 300; 
Senecas, 1,000. In 1677 there were 2,150 Iroquois, 
the division then being: Mohawks, 300; Oneidas, 200; 
Onondagas, 350; Cayugas, 300, and Senecas 1,000. 

The country occupied by the Iroquois nation at this 
time was between seventy and eighty leagues in extent 
from east to west and between forty-one degrees and 
forty-four degrees north. Here the territory occupied 
"by the Senecas lay south of Lake Ontario and running 
perhaps a little east from its center down to the shores 

of Lake Erie; east of these lay the Cayugas, whose vil- 
lages nestled around the margins of some smaller lakes, 
the southern part of one of which reached down into 
the territory occupied by the Onondagas, who came next; 
then came the Oneidas, whose principal settlement was 
on the banks of the small lake bearing their name, which 
was situated south of the east end of Lake Ontario; 
directly east of the Oneidas lay the territory of the 
Mohawks, through which, in a northwesterly direction, 
ran the Mohawk River, a confluent of the Hudson, which 
enters the parent stream some distance above Albany, 
or Fort Orange as it was then known. North and south 
this territory covers a distance of between forty and 
fifty leagues. The territory is bounded on the south by 
the Ohio River and Pennsylvania, on the west by Lake 
Ontario, on the northwest by Lake Erie, on the north 
by Lake St. Sacrament and the River St. Lawrence, and 
by New York partly on the south and partly on the 
southeast. The little lake in the territory of the Onon- 
dagas called Gannentaha has in its vicinity several salt 
springs, the edges of which arc almost always covered 
with fine salt. Two leagues away, we are told, and in 
the direction of the canton of Cayuga, there was a spring 
of milk-white water of very sharp odor, which when set 
on fire resolved into a kind of salt as acrid as caustic. 
This spring Shea refers to as being probably one located 
near Camillus. The soil throughout this region is 
exceedingly rich and productive, although that in the 
canton of Cayuga is said to surpass all others in matter 
of excellence, while the climate is noted for its superiority. 
The tract of country occupied by the Senecas developed 
many charming and valuable spots of soil throughout, 
averaging above the medium. Here earth is said to 
have been discovered which when well washed devel- 
oped a very pure quality of sulphur. Throughout the 
entire territory occupied by the Five Nations all the 
fruit trees of Europe could be satisfactorily cultivated: 
some, in fact, were known to grow there without receiv- 
ing any care whatsoever. As to the woodlands, the 
forests abounded in chestnut trees, and nut trees of two 
kinds, one bearing very sweet and the other a very 
bitter nut — the winter cherry. There are also several 
kinds of fruit for which this section of the country was 
noted for producing large quantities. Among other 
growths peculiar to this section is one commonly known 
as the universal plant, the leaves of which, bruised, close 
all kinds of wounds. The root of this plant is said to 
have the odor of the laurel. There were also other 
roots fitted for dyeing, some of which give quite bril- 
liant colors. Of animals and reptiles, besides rattle 
snakes which were found there, as in all of the most 
southerly provinces of North America, there was a black- 
snake, which, however, was not venomous. The grey 


tiger, or rather American panther, also abounded in this 
territory, their flesh being estimated by many as equal 
to mutton. The most valuable peltry in that region 
was the black squirrel, which was very lively, gentle and 
easily tamed. Of the skins of these little animals the 
Iroquois made robes, which when finished were valued 
at seven or eight dollars apiece. Pigeons were also 
extremely numerous in that section, being sometimes 
flying in such large numbers as to completely darken the 
country over which they passed. To this portion of the 
country is also attributed the discovery of stones con- 
taining diamonds, some of which are said to have been 
of excellent quality. 

It was here, then, that the Reverend Father, after 
a short residence at the settlement and the completion 
of his political errand, returned to fulfill the mission 
of his life in exalting the cause of religion through his 
martyrdom. Of his ultimate and tragic end he undoubt- 
edly had premonition in that, when called upon to under- 
take the dangerous task, he asserted as his firm belief 
that he would never return. 

Again the war between the tribes broke out with 
renewed fury, the Iroquois this time becoming the 
aggressors. Like a pestilence the contagion spread far 
and wide till throughout the entire territory were to be 
heard the war-songs of the tribes, or bands of painted 
warriors seen pursuing their horrible trade of murder and 
destruction. Again was the entire country subjected to a 
condition of unsafety which had never before been 
equaled even in the most disastrous times, for now the 
wretched colonists, and their still more miserable associ- 
ates, the allies, weakened, dispirited and almost driven 
to desperation by fear of the malignant foe, knew not 
which way to turn for succor or for safety. All of the 
peaceful vocations which for a short period had brought 
so much hope and comfort to these people, were in a 
moment forsaken, and in place of their following the 
more tranquil pursuits of life were to be seen the sneak- 
ing forms of savage foes who soon infested the entire 
territory. Even the settlements were hard pressed, those 
of Montreal and Three Rivers being all the while beset 
by murderous hordes; and indeed so much was the feroc- 
ity they exhibited on these occasions that they even 
attacked the forts themselves, a strange and most infre- 
quent occurrence in Indian warfare. As to Fort Rich- 
elieu, that was at last abandoned, plundered and burned. 
It was in fact a general epidemic, every available man in 
the Iroquois nation going into active service on the 

The first incident connected with this new outbreak 
was an attack on a Huron village by a band of Iroquois 
braves. It was not exactly a case of surprise, as the 
Hurons had been warned, or at least were acquainted 

with their intentions, so that they were on the lookout 
and prepared. Of this fact the Iroquois quickly learned, 
but in order to withdraw without having accomplished 
at least a part of their intentions, they concealed them- 
selves in the woods, and there awaited the proper oppor- 
tunity for taking action. At the same time the Huron 
sentinel, desiring it to be thoroughly understood that 
he was alive to his duties, kept up a continual hubbub 
throughout the night. Towards morning, however, he 
suddenly ceased his clamor, and after allowing a sufficient 
length of time to elapse, so that proper caution might 
be observed, two of the Iroquois passed over the inter- 
vening distance, climbed noiselessly over the obstruc- 
tion, behind which they found two men sound asleep, 
one of whom they tomahawked, while they scalped the 
other. The howls of the wounded man attracted the 
attention of the entire village, so that but a few minutes 
had elapsed since the perpetration of the deed before 
the entire force of Huron warriors was in the field. The 
murderers were never captured, although quickly and 
industriously pursued. In the attempt, however, a num- 
ber of Huron warriors who had been most active in 
following their trail came in the nighttime to a Seneca 
village. Here they stole noiselessly among the cabins, 
and finding at last that everyone slept they cautiously 
cut their way through the side of one of these slender 
habitations and entered. Then each of them (they were 
three in number) selected a man whom he killed and 
scalped, after which they immediately retired, but not 
until they had set the canton on fire. These men were 
pursued by the enemy for many days, but escaped with 
their trophies, with which in due time they arrived at 
the village. 

But in spite of the general uprising of the Iroquois 
it still remained evident that many of them had been 
far from desiring a renewal of hostilities, two thirds of 
the number at least, under one excuse or another, return- 
ing to their settlements after but a brief absence. Still 
there were enough aggressively inclined, so that not less 
than two hundred were actively engaged in the depreda- 
tions which occurred at this time. Another incident of 
this outbreak occurred on Ash Wednesday, on which 
day, while the French at Three Rivers were attending 
Mass in the chapel, a band of Iroquois silently 
approached a couple of dwellings which were located 
quite close to the fort, and stripped them of everything. 
This loss was more keenly felt owing to the fact that a 
number of settlers, feeling insecure in their own houses, 
which were located at some greater distance from the 
fort, had brought their goods and valuables to these 
two particular buildings, and stored them there. After 
having accomplished this act, the Iroquois party started 
in search of a number of Christian Algonquins who had 


gone forth on their usual winter's hunt. On arriving 
at their camp, to which they were unerringly led by a 
couple of Algonquin traitors who had become their pris- 
oners, they found it vacated by all except the women 
and children. These they captured, after which, a num- 
ber of them having been left in charge of the prisoners, 
the rest started in search of the hunters. The first of 
these to meet them and his doom, was the noted warrior 
Piskaret, whom they immediately killed and scalped, and 
all of the hunters were similarly waylaid and killed or 
taken prisoners. Numerous other instances of equal 
brutality followed quickly, and on one occasion when 
a band of Christian Algonquin prisoners were resorting 
to prayer and religious exercises, in order to strengthen 
and fortify themselves, their inhuman captors ridiculed 
them, and even crucified a small child by nailing it with 
wooden spikes against a thick sheet of bark. Of the 
final disposition of the prisoners, we are told that the 
men were all burned and tortured to death, but the 
women and children were spared, so that the nation 
of the conquerors might be strengthened by their addi- 
tion to its forces. Many of these became used to this 
new life, and even satisfied with it, but a few could never 
reconcile themselves to the change in their surround- 
ings, and therefore did not rest until they succeeded in 
making their ,escape. 

Among those who were thus successful was Marie, 
the wife of one of the principal Algonquin converts, Jean 
Baptiste by name, who had been burned to death some 
time previously. It was early in June of the year 
1647, we learn, that she appeared in a canoe at Montreal, 
where Madame d'Ailleboust, with whom she was well 
acquainted, received her with greatest kindness. The 
story as told by her of her imprisonment and escape was 
that one night as she was lying in a cabin, bound hand 
and foot with cords which were made fast to stakes, 
and surrounded by Indians who lay upon the cords, she 
discovered that they were all asleep. Then she attempted 
slowly to extricate herself from the bonds, a remarkably 
delicate undertaking considering the fact that the slight- 
est movement on her part was almost certain to be felt by 
those who surrounded her. However, she succeeded, upon 
which she arose softly, stepped to the cabin door, took 
a hatchet, brained the Indian who lay nearest to her, 
and then sprang to a hollow tree close at hand which 
she had on former occasions observed to be close to 
the cabin. The struggles of the dying man roused the 
entire village, and as a natural consequence a pursuit 
by the entire available force ensued. Noticing that 
nearly all of them had gone in one particular direction, 
she came out from her shelter and skillfully maneuvered 
so that she at length reached the woods without having 
been observed. Once under cover, she kept steadily on 

her way, and as none of her pursuers thought of chang- 
ing the direction of their course, she made considerable 
headway without being disturbed. In fact it was not 
until well into the next day, when her tracks were dis- 
covered in the snow, that the Iroquois awakened to the 
understanding that they had all the time been looking 
for her in the wrong direction. Still safety was not 
entirely assured, for on the third day of her precipitate 
flight while on the margin of the lake, she heard a noise, 
and, looking round, perceived a number of Mohawks 
who were evidently in pursuit of her, so she at once 
boldly waded out into the water up to her neck, and 
when the Indians came near her submerged herself 
entirely and afterwards slowly raised her head behind 
a bunch of welcome flags sufficiently to enable her to 
both breathe and watch. The Indians, after carefully 
scrutinizing the surroundings, took their departure, after 
which she crossed an intervening marsh and continued 
on her journey. For more than a month she traveled 
along, existing as best she could on roots and berries, 
until at last she reached the St. Lawrence at a point a 
little below St. Peter's Lake. Here she quickly con- 
structed a raft and crossed the river, from which point 
she at last safely arrived at Three Rivers. 

The recital of this adventure also led her to refer to 
a previous occasion on which she had been a prisoner 
of the Iroquois. Then she was taken by the Onondagas 
from the Mohawks, who upon arriving in the vicinity of 
one of the Oneida towns left her hiding in the forest to 
await their return. Here she said she lay concealed all 
day, and at night approached the town under cover of 
darkness. Of her further experience on that occasion, 
Parkman says: "A dull red glare of flames rose upon 
the jagged tops of the palisade that incompassed it; and 
from the pandemonium within, an uproar of screamy 
yells and bursts of laughter told her that they were burn- 
ing one of her captive countrymen. She gazed and lis- 
tened, shivering with cold and aghast with horror. The 
thought possessed her that she would soon share his 
fate, and she resolved to fly. The ground was still cov- 
ered with snow, and her footprints would have inevi- 
tably betrayed her if she had not, instead of turning 
towards home, followed the beaten Indian path westward. 
She journeyed on, confused and irresolute and tortured 
between terror and hunger. At length she approached 
Onondaga, a few miles from the present city of Syracuse, 
and hid herself in the dense thicket of spruce or cedar, 
whence she crept forth at night to grope in the half- 
melted snow for a few ears of corn left from the last 
year's harvest. She saw many Indians from her lurk- 
ing place, and once a savage with an axe on his shoulder 
advanced directly towards the spot where she lay; but 
in the extremity of her fear she murmured a prayer, on 


which he turned and changed his course. The fate that 
awaited her if she remained — for a fugitive could not 
hope for mercy — and the scarcely less terrible dangers 
of the pitiless wilderness between her and Canada, filled 
her with despair, since she was already half dead with 
hunger and cold. She tied her girdle to the bough of a 
tree, and hung herself from it by the neck. The cord 
broke. She repeated the attempt with the same result, and 
then the thought came to her that God meant to save her 
life. The snow by this time had melted in the forest, and 
she began her journey for home with a few handfuls of 
corn as her only provision. She directed her course by 
the sun, and for food dug roots, pealed the soft inner 
bark of trees, and sometimes caught tortoises in the 
muddy brooks. She had the good fortune to find a 
hatchet in a deserted camp, and with it made one of 
those wooden implements which the Indians used for 
kindling fire by friction. This saved her from her worst 
suffering, for she had no covering but a thin tunic which 
left her legs and arms bare, and exposed her at night 
to tortures of cold. She built her fire in some deep nook 
of the forest, warmed herself, cooked the food she found, 
told her rosary on her fingers, and slept till daylight, 
when she always threw water on the embers lest the 
rising smoke should attract attention. Once she dis- 
covered a party of Iroquois hunters; but she lav con- 
cealed, and they passed without seeing her. She followed 
their trail back, and found their bark canoe, which they 
had hidden near the bank of a river. It was too large 
for her use; but as she was a practiced canoe-maker, 
she reduced it to a convenient size, embarked in it, and 
descended the stream. At length she reached the St. 
Lawrence, and paddled with the current towards Mon- 
treal. On islands and rocky shores she found eggs of 
water-fowl in abundance, and she speared fish with a 
sharp pole hardened at the point with fire. She even 
killed deer by driving them into the water, chasing them 
in her canoe, and striking them on the head with her 
hatchet. When she landed at Montreal, her canoe had 
still a good store of eggs and dried venison. Her journey 
from Onondaga had occupied about two months, under 
hardships which no woman but a squaw could have sur- 
vived. Numerous other instances of a similar character 
might be given, but such are the heartrending conditions 
surrounding them and the story of the suffering and 
cruelty involved that we refrain. 

Thus the war continued, increasing in intensity and 
blood-thirstiness, until the missionaries became well-nigh 
discouraged, fearing that what little hold they had 
obtained upon the Indians would be entirely lost. For- 
tunately, however, for their encouragement, the Indians 
residing in the neighborhood of Montreal and Quebec 
showed no intention on their part to withdraw from the 

ministrations of the church, neither did they exhibit any 
less intensity of feeling - regarding the duties thereby 
involved. But the Iroquois, as on previous occasions, 
proved the principal distinguishing influences in both 
the material and moral affairs of the country, so much 
so in fact that before long even Father Jogues, who 
had always stood valiantly by them, expressing his belief 
in their ultimate conversion and general good faith, 
was compelled, although not willingly, to admit they 
were not to be relied upon. Probably this feeling had 
already been acquired by him wdien he offered his services 
to undertake this dangerous mission, especially as he 
emphasized it by the utterances already given, to the 
effect that he should never return. 

Nor was he to be disappointed in this belief, for 
hardly had he arrived at Three Rivers, than his guards 
deserted him in a body, leaving him entirely alone, with 
the exception of a young Frenchman named la Lande, 
who, like himself, was entirely unacquainted with the 
surrounding country. He still persisted in advancing, 
however, although the majority of people would 
undoubtedly have been anxious to retrace their steps, 
for by the action of his guides it had been brutally made 
evident that his reception at the cantons would be any- 
thing but of a welcome character. 

However, he continued on his way, and after endur- 
ing numerous hardships at length arrived with his com- 
panions at a Mohawk village. Here he was met in no 
friendly spirit, his reception being more like that of a 
prisoner, for both he and his companions were stripped 
of nearly all their clothing and beaten severely with clubs. 
The cause for this peculiar treatment is to be found in 
the following accounts, which are given by Charlevoix: 
"Two letters from New Netherland— one written by the 
Governor himself to Mr. de Montmagny. and the other 
by a private individual to Sicur Bourdon. Father Jogues' 
companion the preceding year — after giving some details 
of the holy Missionary's death, ascribe it to the conviction 
in which the Mohawks were : That he had left the devil 
in their country. (This undoubtedly refers to the box 
left by him at the Mohawk village on the occasion of his 
previous visit there.) The letter to Sieur Bourdon added 
that this perfidy was exclusively the work of the Bear 
tribe — the Wolfe and Tortoise having done all in their 
power to save the lives of the two Frenchmen, even to 
telling the Bear, 'Kill us rather than thus massacre men 
who have done us no harm and come among us on the 
faith of a treaty.' Both letters warned the French Gov- 
ernor that the Iroquois designed to take him by surprise, 
and that four hundred men were on the point of setting 
out to strike simultaneously at the French colony." 

The drama was now fast nearing its end for, when 
Father Togues asked for the reason of his being treated 


in sucli a manner, he was curtly informed that both he 
and his companion had been condemned to death. The 
incidents surrounding- this tragedy will certainly lose 
none of their thrilling interest if given in the language 
of the historian previously quoted: "In vain did the 
servant of God represent to them the unworthy char- 
acter of such a course; the confidence with which he 
came to put himself into their hands; their invitations 
given to induce him to come and live among them; 
their word so solemnly pledged to him; the conduct of 
the French towards them; their treaties, their oaths, 
and the little they had to gain by the war in which they 
were about to plunge anew. A fearful, gloomy silence 
showed him that he spoke in vain. He accordingly 
thought over of preparing for death and fitting for it 
the young man who had so faithfully clung to him. 

"During the whole of the ensuing day, the 17th of 
October, they said not a word to him until evening. 
Then a Huron came to conduct Father Jogues. to his 
cabin under the pretext of giving him food, for neither 
he nor his companion had as yet tasted anything that day. 
The .Missionary followed the Huron, and as he was 
entering his cabin an Iroquois hidden behind the door 
dealt him a blow on the head with his tomahawk and 
laid him dead at his feet. La Lande met the same fate 
the next day. Their heads were then cut off and set up 
on the palisade and their bodies thrown into the river. 

"Such was the end of a man whose virtues and 
courage the Iroquois themselves years after could not 
weary in admiring. His murderer fell into the hands of 
the French the next year, who delivered him to the 
Algonquins. The latter burned him, but, apparently, 
the holy martyr did not abandon him in his last moments, 
for he died a Christian." 

Isaac Jogues was born at Orleans, France, January 
10, 1607, of a highly respectable family. He was eminent 
in childhood for piety, and when he had completed his 
ordinary studies he entered the Society of Jesus at Rouen, 
in the month of October, 1624. Zealously inclined 
towards the missions, he urgently solicited that of 
Ethiopia, but in preference was entrusted with educa- 
tional interests at home, lor which he possessed unusual 
qualifications. At last, when he began his theological 
course, he again requested a foreign mission, and after 
ordination in 1636 was sent to Canada. After a brief 
period at Miscou Island he went to Quebec, and from 
there to the country of the Hurons. His subsequent 
career among the missions has been too fully dealt with 
otherwise to need further mention at the present time. 
It may be added, however, that during a journey from 
New York, then known as New Amsterdam, he was 
driven on the coast of New England and robbed of 
everything he had. Finally reaching France in a wretched 

plight, he was received with great honor on account of 
the great sufferings he had undergone as well as the 
stupendous work he had accomplished for the church. 

Thus had passed from the history of the mission one 
of the noblest and most deserving characters connected 
therewith; a man of such singleness of heart, such devo- 
tion to principle, such zeal in the performance of his 
duties, that he saw no undertaking too dangerous nor 
found any demands made upon him unwelcome that were 
in the interests of Christianity and the salvation of the 
heathen. In causing the death of Father Jogues the 
Mohawks had violated the law of nations, and in so 
doing seemed thoroughly to appreciate the position they 
had assumed and the result which would follow as a 
natural consequence. In fact, they understood the situa- 
tion so thoroughly that they prepared for the emergency 
of a combined alliance against them by at once forming 
their plans and taking the field before the news of their 
dastardly act could be borne throughout the colony. 

A deep-rooted hatred for Christianity sprang up in 
the breasts of those people, which only caused them to 
redouble their vicious acts and savage atrocities to such 
an extent that neither age nor sex was regarded other 
than a welcome victim to their insatiate demand for 
gore. But so slight was the power of the French 
throughout the colony at this time, so weak were they 
numerically and so utterly unfit to cope with surrounding 
conditions that they but rarely, if ever, ventured far from 
home, and being thus deprived of all methods of com- 
munication, failed even to learn of these increasing 
depredations until hearing of them from the mouths of 
the few who had been fortunate enough to escape. 

It will be remembered that at the time of which we 
are now speaking the Jesuit fathers maintained mis- 
sions at Quebec, Sylleri, Three Rivers, the vicinity of 
Lake Huron, Miscou Island, which is on the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence near the entrance of the Bay of Chaleurs — 
a vast territory for so small a band of missionaries to 
attend, no matter how zealous or energetic they might be. 
Besides, the character of the people under their care was 
in itself sufficient cause for discouragement, while a por- 
tion of the territory involved (the island of Miscou in par- 
ticular! was notably unhealthy, a number of priests who 
had been called upon to labor there yielding up their lives 
in consequence. The mission of Tadoussac, of course, 
offered a more eligible field in which to develop their 
energies, being a general gathering place for the Mon- 
tagtiez, hunters and French traders during the months of 
summer, although desolate and deserted in winter. 
But in spite of all this the missionaries were persistent, 
not infrequently reaching out to the north in pursuit 
of or accompanying some party of Indians who had 
gone that way. In fact, quite a number of the Mon- 


tagnez lived in that region, as De Quen discovered in 
1646, when during an expedition up the Saguenay he 
found the nation of the Porcupine, some of whom had 
planted a cross upon the margin of the lake 1 upon which 
they dwelt. 

While, however, the Hurons, Algonquins and numer- 
ous other tribes continued to heed with much appre- 
ciation the teachings of the fathers and in numerous 
instances struggled persistently to acquire a proper 
understanding of the faith, the Iroquois had, to all intents 
and purposes, cast aside their former allegiance to the 
Church and were not only hostile to almost all of the 
other nations, but evinced a personal dislike for the 
French and utter distrust of their religion. The loss was 
keenly felt by the missionaries, who ardently desired for 
the conversion of this nation, which at one time seemed 
almost possible of accomplishment. However, in spite 
of all the sufferings and heartburnings caused by the 
downfall of their fondest hopes through the actions of 
the Iroquois and their desire and premeditated pur- 
pose to violate all of those pledges to which even the most 
barbarous nations felt bound to conform, there were 
contingencies constantly arising which brought some 
comfort and consolation to the hearts of these devoted 
and long suffering men. For at about this time and 
when support was really most needed another nation, 
known for the great valor of its warriors as well as for 
the general mildness and docility of its people, came in 
a body and joined their interests to those of the Christian 
Indians. So earnest, in fact, were the people of this 
nation and so powerful its forces that they thenceforth 
• proved a most desirable as well as valuable barrier 
against the further progress of the enemies of New 
France. This nation was known as the Abnaquis. They 
dwelt in the southern part of New France, which extends 
from the Penobscot to New England, that portion of the 
nation dwelling in the vicinity of the Kennebec being 
called the Cannibas. 2 A little later, owing to the frequent 
attacks made upon this nation by the English and their 
Indian allies, the Abnaquis associated themselves with 
the Etechiminis, who dwelt near the Penobscot, and the 
Micmacs or Souriquois, who were natives of Acadia, and 
in fact all of the eastern coast of Canada. Regarding 
this alliance, Charlevoix informs us that the close adher- 
ence which was maintained between these three tribes 
and the striking similarity of their dialects led many into 
the erroneous belief that they were already a part of 
the Abnaqui nation. Of these people, the Cannibas had 
quite often visited the mission at Sylleri, when not a 
few of them were baptized, the first instance of this kind 

recorded being the baptism of a chief of that nation, 
in 1643. 

These people became earnest Christians, and on 
returning to their settlement used every effort to impress 
their fellow tribesmen with the benefits to be derived from 
a Christian training and belief. The result of all this was 
that the nation finally sent emissaries to the Governor- 
General and the Superior of the Jesuits, requesting him 
to send a missionary among them. Thus, knowing the 
value of the allegiance of such a powerful nation, it was 
decided to acquiesce in their request, and as a result 
arrangements were completed for sending Father Gabriel 
Druillettes among them, and, on that mission bent, he 
took his departure from Sylleri on the 29th of August, 
1646. He was accompanied by a party of Indians who- 
followed, Parkman tells us, the route by which, one 
hundred and twenty-nine years later, the soldiers of 
Arnold made their way to Quebec, and finally arrived at 
the waters of the Kennebec, by means of which he 
descended to the Abnaqui villages. Charlevoix says that 
his journey was a long and painful one and that he appar- 
ently went up the Chaudiere and then made a portage 
of the Kennebec. Arriving among these people, he 
found them, like most of the tribes of that nation, well- 
meaning but excessively indolent, so that no effort was 
successful in the attempt to induce them to become more 
settled and to cultivate the soil. As a result of this dis- 
position on their part, they were hungry and many times 
without the most common necessaries of life. Father 
Druillettes at once found an extensive field in which to- 
exert his energies, which were called forth all the more,, 
perhaps, owing to the extreme friendliness exhibited for 
him by the people. So he nursed the sick and baptized 
the dying, giving to all as much instruction in the 
Catholic faith as it was possible for him to do with his- 
limited knowledge of the language. It was during his 
stay among the people of this tribe that Father Druil- 
lettes met with some Capuchin fathers, who had a 
hospice on the banks of the Kennebec. "They had also,"' 
says Charlevoix, "a house at Pentagoet and acted as 
chaplains, not only to the French settled on that coast 
and that of Acadia, but also to those whom trade allured 
thither. They received the Jesuit missionary with great 
joy and all possible cordiality; in fact, it had long been 
their desire to see missions established among the Indian 
tribes of that region, and had thought quite seriously 
of visiting Quebec themselves in order that they might 
induce the Jesuits to establish a mission in that locality."" 
From other sources, however, we learn that, though the 
superior, Father Ignatius, welcomes the reverend mis- 
sionary with much cordiality, he was at a later day com- 
pelled, owing to the wishes of the fishing companies that 


dominated that portion of the country, to write to Quebec take means towards the establishment of a permanent 

and ask that the missionary should not return. The mission among the Abnaqui, who had shown such 

value and success of the undertaking, however, was evident sincerity in expressing a desire to be received 

beyond question, as upon returning to Quebec and and recognized as converts to the Catholic faith, 
making his report it was deemed advisable to at once 


the Trench in Canada continued. 


Commander de Poinci sets a Bad Example, as a Result of which some 
Changes are made in the Government Appointments of New France.— 
Mr. d'Ailleboust becomes Governor of Quebec— The new Royal Regu- 
lation of 1648 known as the Canadian Charter.— The Governor's Coun- 
cil and their Appointive Powers.— Father Dreuillettes returns to New 
England accompanied by Paul Godefroy, a Member of the Governor's 
Council.— An Attempted Alliance with the Settlers of New England is 
frustrated by the Commissioners of that Settlement.— The Condition of 
Affairs at Quebec and Company of One Hundred Associates.— The Col- 
onists and the Company.— The Governor's Allowance and how it was 
applied.— A New Arrangement.— The Fur Trade and its Manage- 
ment.— The Religious Condition of the Colony.— The Andastes come to 
the Assistance of the Hurons.— Indifference of the Hurons.— The On- 
ondagas are defeated.— Defeat of the Mohawks and Capture of their 
Chief Annenrias.— His Release and Return to his People.— A Combina- 
tion of Hatreds.— Peace Councils.— Suicide of Scandawati.— Condition 
of the Missions at la Conception, St. Joseph, St. Ignace, St. Michael 
and St. John.— The Town of St. Joseph and the Iroquois' Raid upon 
it.— A Terrible Slaughter.— Murder of Father Daniel.— Proposal of a 
Perpetual Alliance between New England and New France.— The Em- 
issary of New England is welcomed at Quebec— Father Dreuillettes' 
Mission to Boston and other Points in New England.— Some Docu- 
mentary Evidence.— Attack on St. Ignatius.— Burning of St. Louis.— 
Captivity of Fathers De Brebeuf and Lalemant.— Their Murder.— Con- 
dition of the People of St. Mary's.— A New Location for the Hurons 
and their Final Settlement on St. Joseph's Island.— Famishing Hordes. 
—Disease and Death.— Cannibalism.— Fatal Mistake of the Hurons.— 
Massacre of St. John's and Death of Father Gamier.— Murder of 
Father Chabanel.— Fathers Garreau and Grelon of the St. Matthias 
Mission continue to Labor among the Hurons although their Lives are 
in constant Danger.— Despair of the Huron Nation.— The Missionaries 
accompanied by Three Hundred Hurons start for Quebec— They meet 
Father Bressani on his Way to the Mission, who finally concludes to 
Return with them.— His Experience on the Way up.— The Party ar- 
rives at Montreal, where they are invited to Remain.— They reach 
Quebec, where they are well received by the Governor and Settlers.— 
A Christian War Party from Sylleri go forth to Attack the Iroquois. — 
Their Betrayal by a Huron Renegade. — Death of the Traitor.— Effort 
to make the Indian Self-Supporting. — Lalemant visits his native 
Country in their Behalf.— Indifference of the Canadian Company and 
their Refusal to furnish the necessary Aid.— Three Rivers in 1651.— 
Battle between the Iroquois and a number of French Settlers.— Forti- 
tude and Heroism of the Christian Indians.— Joseph Ononhare the 
Algonquin.— His Sufferings and Martyrdom. — The Atticamegues or 
Whitefish Nation and their Experience with the Iroquois.— Murder of 
Father Buteux. — The Blind Squaw and her Mission among the Iro- 
quois.— The Liquor Trade brings Disaster to the Colony.— A Change 
of Governors at Quebec. 

jROM the foregoing chapter one may gain a 
i[[ tolerably good idea of the general condition of 
'yi affairs in New France at the time mentioned, 
when also an increasing interest was created 
and not a little excitement prevailed on account of the 
change in governors at Quebec, de Montmagny having 
been ordered to relinquish his authority as such to Mr. 

d'Ailleboust, who had for some time past been occu- 
pying the position of Governor at Three Rivers. 

The cause for these peremptory orders was undoubt- 
edly to be discovered in the fact that Commander de 
Poinci, Governor-General of the West Indies, had muti- 
nied against the King's command, refusing to yield up 
his post as ordered, and thus afforded an example of 
rebellion which, unless immediately checked, would 
undoubtedly prove < a great detriment to the government 
of France. It was therefore quickly acted upon by the 
King's Council and a resolution was adopted at a meet- 
ing of the same to the effect that no colonial governor 
should maintain his position as such for a period exceed- 
ing three years. Referring to this important office, one 
writer remarks "that general laws have their objections 
and it is unfortunate to be placed in circumstances 
where it is impossible to remedy by necessary excep- 
tions their action when prejudicial to the common good. 
A well-selected governor cannot be left too long at the 
head of a new colony. One devoid of the talents required 
for a post of this importance or with qualities detrimental 
to the services of his prince, cannot be removed too 
soon ; and except in case of marked incapacity and well- 
grounded fears of misconduct, nothing more fatal can 
happen to the progress of a colony which is not well 
established than the frequent change of governors, inas- 
much as solid foundations require a great uniformity of 
conduct and projects must be followed which cannot 
ripen or be executed except with time, and a new gover- 
nor rarely approves the views of his predecessor or fails 
to consider that he has better. His successors will pass 
the same judgment on his, in their turn; and thus, by 
ever beginning anew, a colony 'will never leave its 
infancy, or will make but slow progress. But yet there 
are circumstances where prudence forbids a prince to 
follow a course which is really the most expedient; the 
sad extremes to which these gods of earth are sometimes 
reduced, where the inability to which they are brought — 
of remedying an evil except by an evil — is well fitted to 
impress them with a sense of their weakness." 

This statement was not, however, in any way intended 
as a reflection upon the character and actions of de 
Montmagny, who had been remarkably free from any 
of the offenses or oversights indicated during the entire 


term of his administration. On the contrary, says 
Charlevoix, "he studiously modeled his conduct and that 
of his successor, and confined himself to following as far 
as in him lay the plan which Mr. de Champlain had 
traced in his memoirs. Hence it is certain that, had the 
Canadian Company seconded him, he would have put 
the colony on a very good footing, and he is greatly to 
be praised for having sustained it as he did with 
so little power. His life, moreover, was so exemplary; 
he displayed on all occasions so much wisdom, religion, 
piety and disinterestedness; he spared himself so little 
when the insolence of the Iroquois was to be repressed, 
and he knew so well how to maintain his dignity in the 
most delicate circumstances, that he endeared himself 
equally to French and Indians, and even the Court long 
proposed him to the governors of new colonies as a 
model that could not be too much studied." 

Of his successor, we also learn that he was worthy 
of the high position in which he had been placed, and 
was noted for his piety and general good nature. Previ- 
ously he had belonged to the Society of Montreal, which 
was altogether composed of pious persons whose prin- 
cipal efforts were directed towards the conversion of 
the heathen. In fact, during the enforced absence of 
Governor de Maisonneuve, he had assumed the author- 
ity and acted in his place. Upon his return Charlevoix 
stated that d'Ailleboust became governor of Three 
Rivers. This statement is contradicted, however, by 
Faillon in his Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, although 
he admits that he acted as Governor of Montreal as 

Of the Chevalier de Montmagny, it may be briefly 
stated that he left Canada on September 23, 1648, after 
which year, according to Mother Juchereau in her His- 
toire de l'Hotel Dieu, but little of him is known. "We 
find," says she, "nothing very authentic as to him after 
this." Mr. Aubert de la Chenaye says, nevertheless, 
that he died at St. Kitt's in the house of his kinsman, 
Mr. de Poinci; but this assertion is supported by no 

Louis d'Ailleboust, Seigneur de Coulonges, the next 
Governor of Quebec, was a gentleman of Champagne 
of a family already distinguished in medicine and the 
Church. He went to Canada in 1643 from purely reli- 
gious motives, at which time he was also accompanied by 
a considerable number of colonists, whose general 
strength did much toward the upbuilding of the new 
town. On this occasion, however, d'Ailleboust remained 
in the neighborhood four years, at the expiration of 
which time he was compelled on account of business 
matters to return to France, for which country he sailed 
October 21, 1647. This business attended to, he at once 
set forth on his return journey, arriving at Quebec on 

August 20, 1648. On this occasion he brought with 
him a new Royal Regulation, dated March 5, 1648, 
which modified in some particulars that of March 
27, 1647, which may be considered the first Canadian 
charter. Different from the more recent regulation, it 
was provided that the governor was to be chosen for a 
limited period of three years, although he might be reap- 
pointed if so desired. To assist him in governing the 
affairs of the colony it was provided that lie was to have a 
Council, comprising the Bishop — or, until there was one. 
the Superior of the Jesuits — the last governor and two 
inhabitants chosen by the council and the syndics of 
Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers. If, however, there 
should be no ex-governor in the colony, it was provided 
that another inhabitant should be chosen in his place. 
This regulation remained in force for many years, but 
in 17 19 complaint was made that it was not being strictly 
adhered to. Under this same provision the General of 
the fleet and the syndics had a right to appear in council 
with a deliberate voice as to matters relating- to the 
interests of their constituents. Other provisions were 
that the Council should appoint all officers and fix sala- 
ries; that such officers should be elected annually and 
report annually, and that settlers could buy furs of 
Indians with colonial goods but were compelled to take 
furs thus or otherwise obtained to the public stores. 
Madame d'Ailleboust, formerly Barbara de Boulogne, 
although at first somewhat undecided, accompanied her 
husband to the new colony, where she took an active 
part in many of the notable works of good begun and 
carried out at Montreal. 

In spite of the request of the Capuchin prior, that a 
Jesuit missionary should not again be sent into the 
country of the Abnaquis, so interested did the people of 
Canada become in his undertaking and the remarkable 
success achieved that d'Ailleboust called a meeting of 
his council, at which it was decided to again dispatch 
Father Dreuillettes to New England and give him for a 
companion Jean Paul Godefroy, a member of the Gover- 
nor's council. He again traversed over the weary road, 
until, arriving at New Haven, he immediately presented 
himself before the Commissioners of the Four Colonies, 
who were at that time in active session. But his efforts 
were fruitless, for the Commissioners flatly refused to 
declare war or permit the enlistment of volunteers in 
New England to fight against the Iroquois. 

So, in spite of their long and tedious journey and 
desire for an alliance upon a firm footing with the people 
of New England, these envoys were compelled to return 
empty-handed and without any satisfaction whatsoever, 
save alone the courteous treatment received while 
among them. 

Of the condition of affairs at Quebec at this time, 


a passing note should also be made from the fact that 
several vital changes had been effected in their general 
management. For instance, the Canadian Company of 
One Hundred Associates, whose expenses had been 
large while their receipts had been ridiculously small, 
transferred their right and title of the same to the colony, 
the purchasers, however, assuming all debts pertaining 
to the same or for which the Company was obligated at 
the time of transfer. At the same time the colonists also 
undertok their obligations to furnish arms, munitions 
and soldiers ; to pay for all works of defense erected, as 
well as the salaries of the Governor and other officials; 
to do all in their power to introduce and bring immi- 
grants to that territory, and to contribute as far as their 
means would allow toward the proper support of the 
missions. In addition to all of these promises they also 
pledged themselves to pay to the Company a bonus of 
one thousand pounds of beaver annually. In order to 
conduct this business in a satisfactory manner, the colo- 
nists formed a corporation, of which anyone might 
become a member, and it was decided that no individual 
could trade on his own account except by selling at :i 
stipulated price to the Magazine of the Company. 

This was in 1645, an d two years later a council was 
established, consisting of the Governor-General, the 
Governor of Montreal and the Superior of the Jesuits — 
these three having supreme control of the legislative, 
judicial and governmental interests of the colony. For 
the maintenance of the government an appropriation of 
25,000 livres was made, in addition to which the chief 
executive was permitted the use of the Company vessels 
with which to transport freight to the amount of seventy 
tons annually. With the money allowance already stated 
he was required to keep the forts in repair, purchase ail 
necessary arms and munitions, and pay the soldiers. 
Almost identically the same condition prevailed with the 
Governor of Montreal, only that his allowance was 
limited to 10,000 livres and thirty tons of freight. Of 
course it will be readily imagined that neither of these 
amounts was adequate to the actual requirements, so 
that it is hardly to be wondered at that it became neces- 
sary for the mother country to send additional forces and 
supplies to the colony in order that it might not become 
entirely destroyed. Even then the arrangements came far 
short of being a practical success, so that in the following 
year another change was deemed advisable. Now the 
salaries of the governors were set at a certain specific 
figure, while a stipulated sum was apportioned and put 
aside for military purposes. Next the Council was reor- 
ganized, being now composed of the Governor-General, 
Superior of the Jesuits and three 1 citizens, and when 

(1) These three were generally selected from among the most prom- 
inent of the settlers by the council, in conjunction with the syndics of 
Quebec, Montreal and Three Rivers. The latter official was selected by 

present the Governors of Montreal and Three Rivers 
were also given privilege to take part at the deliberations 
of that body. 

Under those different general changes and existing 
general arrangements, the fur trade was carried on in 
cooperative style, the entire colony having been merged 
as it were into a corporation or business organization, 
of which the Governor and Council were manager and 
directors respectively. Now Quebec as well as the rest 
of the settlements was enjoying a brief period of quiet, 
and as a result gained considerable increase in the 
peltry trade, which at all times formed the principal com- 
mercial industry of the colony. These changes for the 
better, which kept on occurring from time to time, were 
always sincerely welcomed by the colonists, for no matter 
how brief might be their period of existence, they always 
brought with them a condition of activity and progress. 
These times were also of special value to the mission- 
aries, particularly at Tadoussac and Three Rivers, where 
the Indians came from all around — especially the 
North — and not only disposed of their wares, but 
remained a while to be instructed in the Christian reli- 
gion. Sylleri was also experiencing a period of religious 
activity, so that matters looked more promising, and 
there really appeared to be some cause for the hope that 
the bitter feeling existing between the Hurons and 
Iroquois might, before long, be entirely overcome. 

Much of this hopeful feeling was undoubtedly due to 
the fact that the Andastes, a warlike people occupying 
part of the country beyond that of the Neuter nation, 
announced their readiness to assist the Hurons in their 
war with the Iroquois. One cause of their desire to 
take an active part in this dispute was undoubtedly the 
fact of their mortal hatred for the Mohawks, in spite 
of which, however, they are said to have advised pacifica- 
tory methods in preference to the tomahawk if the use 
of the latter could possibly be avoided. So after mucli 
deliberation they as a first measure decided to send 
envoys to the Oneidas, Onondagas and Cayugas, who, 
as has been previously explained, occupied the central 
portion of the Iroquois' domain, the Mohawks and 
Senecas being located at its eastern and western extrem- 
ities respectively. It was also deemed expedient to admit 
of a like understanding with the Senecas, so that after 
having neutralized all of these forces, the Andastes 
would be in. a position, in conjunction with the Hurons, 
to subdue if not annihilate the Mohawks. 2 

Unfortunately for their own good, the Hurons were 
unable to see the benefits accruing from such an offer 
They were altogether too self-satisfied, too firm in the 

the people of the community to which he belonged, his duties being to 
look after and manage the affairs of the settlement. 

(2) It would appear from this that the Andastes were far from 
admitting the existence of an indissoluble bond of cooperation between 
the Iroquois confederation. 


fallacious estimate of their own ability to cope with the 
foe, and as a consequence of all this not only failed to 
accept at their full value the overtures of the Andastes, 
but ignored the necessity of preparing vigorously and 
systematically for the inevitable conflict. 1 Thus through 
carelessness and an utter and surprising disregard for 
their proprieties, the Hurons not only forever lost the 
opportunity to regain their once acknowledged superior- 
ity, but thenceforth became the victims of a chain of 
circumstances which ended only in the absolute over- 
throw of their nation. 

In the meantime, the Iroquois were playing a waiting 
game with this easily deluded people, the Onondagas 
holding them off with proposals for peace, while the 
Senecas and Mohawks raided them whenever the oppor- 
tunity was offered. Thus numerous conflicts ensued, 
most of which were disastrous to the Hurons but stiil 
did not wholly convince them of the treachery and bad 
faith of which they were the victims. Then followed a 
lull in the proceedings which did much toward convinc- 
ing them of their supposed security, so that they readily 
resumed the careless and apathetic mode of living which 
had on more than one occasion proved so disastrous to 
them. On the other hand, active, alert and keenly 
anxious to continue their depredations, the Mohawks 
prepared for fresh aggressions, and being thoroughly 
fortified and well equipped for almost any contingency, 
once more appeared upon the scene at a time and place 
least expected. 

Returning for a brief period to the events of the 
previous year, we find that in the early spring of 1647 
a party of Onondagas who had wandered far into the 
country of the Hurons in search of spoils had met with 
a number of that nation who had administered to them 
a severe punishment. The encounter was, in fact, a 
fierce one, a number of the invading party being slain, 
while many were taken prisoners. All of the latter were 
burned in the usual manner, with the exception of one 

and war had wasted them away, and left but a skeleton of their former 
strength." "In this distress." says Parkman, "they cast about them for 
succor, and remembering an ancient friendship with a kindred nation, the 
Andastes, they sent an embassy to ask of them aid in war or interven- 
tion to obtain peace. This powerful people dwelt on the Susquehanna. 
(The remnant of this tribe called the Conestogas were massacred by the 
Paxton Boys in 1763). The way was long, even in a direct line, but the 
Iroquois lay between them, and it was necessary to make a circuit so as 
to avoid them. A 01irisri;,n ehi. !', whom the .Jesuits hail named Charles, 
together with four Christian and four heathen Hurons, bearing wampum 
belts and gifts from the council, departed on his embassy on the 13th 
of April, 1647, and reached the great town of the Andastes early in June. 
This town contained thirteen hundred warriors. Immediately upon their 
arrival, the council of the nation was at once assembled, the 'chief ambas- 
sador of the Hurons addressing them as follows: 'We come from the 
Land of Souls, where all is gloom, dismay and desolation. Our iields are 
covered with blood; our houses are filled only with the dead, and we 
ourselves have hut life enough to beg our friends to take pity on a peo- 
ple who are drawing near their end.' He then presented the belts and 
other gifts, remarking at the same time that they were the voice of a 
dying country. 

Having duly performed his mission, Charles at once set forth with 
some of his party on the homeward journey, on which occasion he was 
also compelled to make a wide detour owing to the fact that the Sen- 

-"•— 1 watching with much vigilance in hope 
Dture the embassy. So Cha~'~- 

„hanies, Western Pennsylvan 

: their destination in the following October." 

Annenrias, a chief of high standing among his people, 
who in spite of the clamor of the tribesmen for his 
sacrifice was released by the chiefs of the Hurons, 
loaded with presents and started on his homeward 
journey. Not long after his departure and as soon as 
he had reached the farther shore of Lake Ontario, he 
fell in with a band of his own people, comprising nearly 
all of the able-bodied warriors of the nation, who believed 
him dead, and were hastening toward the Huron settle- 
ments with a view to wreaking a summary vengeance 
upon them for his murder. Explanations followed, the 
result being that Annenrias induced his people to 
renounce their war-like purpose and return with him 
to their home. Arriving there, a grand council was held, 
to which as a matter of course all of the chiefs and old 
men of the tribe were invited, and the matter of arrang- 
ing peace with the Hurons was thoroughly discussed. 
It may also be stated for the further enlightenment of 
those who have but superficially gone into the matter, 
that beyond the fact of a desire to reciprocate in a 
fitting manner for the return of Annenrias to them, the 
Onondagas had a purpose of their own to subserve — an 
intense hatred for the Mohawks, which they were 
anxious to satisfy as soon as the proper moment arrived. 
These Mohawks, it would seem, were an arrogant, boast- 
ful lot of people, whose successes in obtaining many 
concessions from the Dutch in the way of arms and 
ammunition had aroused the ill will of their less fortu- 
nate contemporaries. Besides, not willing to wear their 
successes in a properly modest manner, they must needs 
boast about them, and thus doing, increase the obligation 
of dislike which they had already incurred. 

Here, then, we have the Andastes, who hated the 
Mohawks as enemies; the Onondagas, who hated them 
as successful rivals; the Hurons, who hated them for 
their cruelty, treachery and oppression, and the Oneidas 
and Cayugas, who hated them because the Onondagas 
did, or at least for the same reason; a combination of 
hatreds which, if properly adjusted and applied, meant 
anything but a quiet and peaceful outlook for the 
Mohawks for some time to come. The result of this 
council was that an embassy 2 was sent to the Hurons. 

At the head of the delegation sent by the Hurons to 
the country of the Onondagas was the Christian Chief 
Jean Baptiste Atironta, whose mission was so successful 
that upon his return he was accompanied by fifteen 
Huron prisoners and an embassy of the Onondagas, at 
the head of which was the celebrated Chief Scandawati. 

s the person selected 

and naturalized, had become more of an 1 1 . . . " ( i i . . i - than the Iroquois them- 
selves. Upon arriving at the Huron town, he was of course at once 
recognized, his presence causing an outbreak on the part of some, which 
came near overthrowing the entire arrangement. Fortunately, however, 
hotter judgment prevailed, so that affairs were brought to a successful 


This chief entered upon the mission with many mis- 
givings, fearing that his dignity might suffer in conse- 
quence of the attitude of the Senecas, who were still 
actively aggressive, or that they or the Mohawks, or 
both, might so far forget the consideration due him as 
to attack the Hurons while he was among them. Park- 
man tells of the result of this undertaking in the follow- 
ing language: "With hunting, fishing, canoe-making 
and bad weather, the progress of the august travelers 
was so slow that they did not reach the Huron towns 
until the 23rd of October. Scandawati presented seven 
■ large belts of wampum, each composed of three or four 
thousand beads, which the Jesuits called the pearls and 
diamonds of the country. He also delivered the fifteen 
captives and promised a hundred more on the final 
conclusion of the treaty. The three Onondagas remained 
' as surety for the good faith of those who sent them 
until the beginning of January, when the Hurons on 
their part sent six ambassadors to conclude the treaty, 
one of the Onondagas accompanying them. Soon there 
came dire tidings. The prophetic heart of the old chief 
had not deceived him. The Senecas and Mohawks, dis- 
regarding the negotiations in which they had no part 
and resolved to bring them to an end, were invading 
the country in force. It might be thought that the 
Hurons would take revenge on the Onondaga envoys 
now hostages among them; but such was not the case, 
for the character of an ambassador was for the most 
part held in respect. One morning, however, Scandawati 
had disappeared. They were full of excitement, for 
they thought he had escaped to the enemy. They 
ranged the woods in search of him and at length found 
him in a thicket near the town. He lay dead on a bed 
of spruce-boughs which he had made, his throat deeply 
gashed with a knife. He had died by his own hand, a 
victim of mortified pride." 

Of the party of these Huron and Onondaga envoys 
who had started for the Iroquois country, we learn that 
they were met by one hundred Mohawks, who captured 
them and killed the Hurons but spared the Onondaga, 
compelling him to go with them. Finally they fell upon 
another body of Hurons, which, being largely composed 
of women, they also routed, taking forty prisoners. In 
this affair the Onondaga took part, capturing as his 
prisoner a Huron girl. On the day following he 
expressed a desire to return to the Huron town, saying: 
"Kill me if you will, but I cannot follow you; for then 
I should be ashamed to appear among my countrymen, 
who sent me on a message of peace to the Hurons, and 
I must die with them sooner than seem to act as their 
enemy." So he was permitted to depart, taking with him 
his prisoner, whom he safely returned to her people. 
This was practically the end of all negotiations between 

the nations, and thenceforth occurred a succession of 
events that marked an epoch of rapine and bloodshed 
which desolated the entire country and only ceased with 
the annihilation of the Huron people. 

In the meantime the missions were in a continual 
state of uncertainty and disorder, not owing to the con- 
duct of the Hurons, who with increasing troubles 
became more clamorous for religious instruction and 
emphatic in their expressions of devotion, but on 
account of the Iroquois, whose active hatred acted as a 
continual menace to their safety and well-being. Among 
the Hurons, however, the condition of affairs was even 
better than hoped for, the Christians outnumbering the 
heathens in several of the towns. Most successful 
among these were the missions of la Conception or 
Ossossane, St. Joseph, St. Ignace, St. Michael and St. 
Jean Baptiste. At one of these — St. Joseph — lived the 
Rev. Father Anthony Daniel, who ministered alone to 
the entire canton. The town of St. Joseph, it must be 
remembered, was not that of Carogouha or Ihonatiria, 
established in 161 9, and the place where the mission first 
began, that town having been abandoned in 1638. All 
of these missions were prosperous, each one having its 
little church and each church its bell, although in a few 
instances where the edifice was not dignified by the 
addition of tower and steeple the bell was hung in some 
convenient tree near by. While dwelling on this point 
it may be interesting to note that a fragment of one of 
these bells was found on the site of a Huron town and is 
now preserved among a number of Huron relics at the 
Laval University, Quebec. Prior to the introduction of 
bells into these missions (it is generally understood 
that the first was brought in 1644), old kettles were 
used by the missionaries for the purpose of calling the 
worshipers together. 

A somewhat more elaborate description of the town 
of St. Joseph, or Teauanstaye, as it is also called, locates 
it on the southeastern frontier of the Huron country, 
near the foot of a range of forest-covered hills, and 
about fifteen miles from Sainte Marie. The description 
goes on to state that it had been the chief town of the 
nation, and its population as compared with the Indian 
standard was still large, for it had four hundred fami- 
lies — at least two thousand inhabitants. It was well 
fortified with palisades, in accordance with the Huron 
methods of building, and was regarded as one of the 
strongest and most valuable fortifications as well as 
point of vantage belonging to the nation. It was on the 
4th of July — a day made notable in the history of the 
missions from the fact that on it another valuable life 
was yielded up, another martyrdom accomplished in the 
general effort to carry out the teachings of the Saviour, 
to bear the Gospel to the uttermost ends of the earth. 



The town itself had been vacated almost to a man by 
the warriors, most of whom were out in quest of game 
or had gone with a large trading party to the French 
settlement. Those left were the old men, the youth and 
the younger children, a majority of whom were attend- 
ing divine services at the church, filling the building to 
its utmost capacity. Father Daniel had just finished the 
Mass and the congregation was still kneeling, when they 
were aroused by a terrible cry of "The Iroquois! the 
Iroquois!" Rushing as soon as possible from the church, 
Father Daniel saw a number of hostile warriors issuing 
from the forest near by and rushing with much vehe- 
mence toward the opening in the palisade. Everything 
was in uproar, even those who were able to do some- 
thing in the way of defense being so overcome with fear 
and surprise that they became blinded as by a panic 
and were entirely unmanageable. The good priest, 
fearlessly rushing to the front, rallied the defenders and 
stimulated them not only by his presence and action, 
but also by the promise that those who died in the 
defense of their homes and faith would surely be re- 
warded in the life to come. He also busied himself with 
the unregenerate, warning them that the possibility of 
heavenly eternity depended on their dying in the senti- 
ments he had so often preached to them. Thus many 
of them became eager, crying for baptism and holding 
out their children that they might receive it; while some 
begged for absolution and others were too distraught 
to appreciate the condition they were in. Then the 
sight became a terrible one, for with a fierce yell the 
enemy closed in upon them. The palisade was forced 
and carried on all sides, while blood streamed in every 
direction. And here amid this terrible din and carnage 
stood the devoted priest, surrounded by a horde of 
screaming, clinging women and children and not a few 
of the sterner sex who had lost all control of them- 
selves and were even more of a burden upon him than 
those whom they should have endeavored to shelter and 
protect. Many of them whose age and strength enabled 
them to secure safety by flight prepared to do so, urging 
the Missionary to escape with them; but he, devoted 
man, realizing that there were still a number of sick and 
wounded to be ministered to, steadfastly refused, saying', 
"I will remain here; we shall meet again in heaven." 
He then returned to the chapel in order that he might 
secure the altar vessels and vestments and deposit them 
in a place of safety. Then while a few yet escaped to 
the rear of him in order that they might obtain all time 
possible, he calmly walked forth from the church and 
went towards the enemy. For a moment they remained 
inactive, being absolutely overcome with this show of 
heroic devotion; but then the spirit of the hour again 
came over them, and bending their bows they showered 

upon him a volley of arrows, by many of which he was 
wounded. Then, still maintaining an upright position, 
he reproached his murderers with their perfidy and 
threatened them with the wrath of Heaven, when one 
of them completed the sacrifice by shooting him through 
the heart. Then like a pack of wolves they fell upon his 
lifeless body, dipped their hands in his blood, stripped 
the clothing from him, and then cast the remains into 
the burning church. 

Thus over seven hundred persons fell victims to 
the onslaught of the Iroquois, and the town of St. 
Joseph became a veritable relic of the past, for it was 
never rebuilt. The few who were fortunate enough to 
make their escape sought refuge in the town of St. 
Mary's, where they remained unmolested for some con- 
siderable time. In the meanwhile the Iroquois started 
forth in search of new fields to conquer, finally reaching 
another large and well-fortified town, which they also 
razed to the ground. 

But now a new surprise came to the good people of 
the colony, and particularly Quebec, when 'they were 
called upon to receive with due consideration an emis- 
sary from the New England settlements, who had been 
sent there for the specific purpose of arranging a per- 
petual alliance between the colonies independent of any 
misunderstanding which might arise between the two 
home governments. These propositions, which were said 
to have emanated from the elder Winthrop, were received 
with general favor, and Mr. d'Ailleboust, after weighing 
with due consideration the opinions of the other mem- 
bers of the Council, appointed Father Dreuillettes as 
representative of the colony, instructing him to journey 
to Boston and there effect a treaty according to the 
propositions made, the only proviso being that the 
English consent to join with the French in making war 
upon the Iroquois. That there was some hitch in the 
proceedings is made evident from the fact that the 
matter languished in an incomplete condition for some 
time, in consequence of which negotiations were resumed 
in 165 1. His first visit to Boston, however, had been 
made during the previous year, he having left Quebec 
on August 31, 1650. The journey proved a very unfa- 
vorable one, as he experienced considerable inconvenience 
and even suffering before arriving at Honidgwalk, from 
which place, after a brief stay, he proceeded to Cons- 
sinoc (Augusta), where he presented his credentials to 
John Winslow, the Plymouth agent, who went with him 
to Boston. Arriving there he was received by Governor 
Dudley of Massachusetts, who in turn referred him to 
Plymouth, as the Kennebec was in the jurisdiction of 
that colony. Arriving at Plymouth he was welcomed 
by Governor Bradford, who found that any aid against 
the Iroquois could only be decided upon by the commis- 


sioners of the united colonies; and as they were not then 
in session, he did his utmost to influence the delegates 
of that body in favor of the proposed alliance. Of the 
documentary evidence and the endeavor to effect these 
arrangements, we give the following, which is a correct 
copy of one of the very few still in existence relating to 
this affair. This, it will be seen, is a letter addressed by 
the Council of Quebec to the commissioners of New- 
England, and is as follows: "Gentlemen — Some years 
since the gentlemen of Boston having proposed to us 
to establish trade between New France and New Eng- 
land, the Council established by His Majesty in this 
country unites its replies to the letters which our Gov- 
ernor had written to your parts, the tenor whereof was 
that we would willingly desire this trade and therewith 
the union of hearts and minds between our colonies 
and yours; but that we desired at the same time to enter 
into an offensive and defensive league with you against 
the Iroquois, our enemies, who would prevent this 
trade or at least render it less advantageous both for 
you and for us. The obligation which it seems to us 
you should feel to repress the insolence of these Iro- 
quois savages — who massacred the Sokokinois and 
Abenaginois, your allies — and the ease with which you 
could carry on the war by our taking it up properlv, 
are two reasons which have induced us to follow up this 
matter with you in your Court of Commissioners. We 
have requested our governor to write you efficaciouslv. 
This is to join our exertions to his, and to assure you 
of the disposition of our hearts and of those of all in 
New France for this trade with New England, and for 
the designs of this war against the Iroquois, who should 
be our common foe. Besides the Sieur Dreuillettes, who 
already this winter began to negotiate this matter, we 
have pleased that Father Godefroy, councillor of our 
body, be associated. The merit of these two deputies 
leads us to hope and pray a result for the design. They 
are invested with necessary powers to that end — that is 
to say, both to establish firmly trade between you and us, 
and to relieve you of the expenses necessary to be 
incurred in the war in question against the Iroquois. 
We beg you to give them a hearing and to act with them 
as you would do with us, with the frankness natural to 
Englishmen as much as to us Frenchmen. We cannot 
doubt but that God will bless your arms and ours, when 
they are employed in the defense of Christians, both your 
allies and ours against the heathen savages, who have 
neither faith, nor God, nor justice in their course, as you 
may learn more at length from the said Sieurs, our depu- 
ties, who will assure you of the sincere desire we enter- 
tain that Heaven may ever continue to bless vour 
provinces and load you, gentlemen, with its favors." 
This document was signed in the council chamber at 

Quebec on June 20, 165 1. The only other document 
available pertaining to this subject is regarding the nom- 
ination of Sieur Godefroy to treat in conjunction with 
Father Dreuillettes, and is a faithful copy or extract from 
the registers of the Ancient Council under date of June 
20, 1651: "The Council assembled at nine o'clock in 
the morning. Present, the Governor, the Rev. Father 
Superior, Messrs. de Maure, de Godefroy and Menoil. 
On the proposition made the council touching a certain 
rescription made by the Council in the year 1648 to the 
end that a union be made between the colonies of New 
France and New England to carry on commerce with 
each other; the Council, desiring to meet their wishes, 
has nominated and nominate Sieur Godefroy, one of the 
councillors of the Council established by His Majesty 
in this country to proceed with the Rev. Father Dreuil- 
lettes to the said New England to the said commissioners 
to trade and act with them according to the power given 
to them by the Council, a copy whereof is inserted in the 
liasse, as also a copy of the letter written to the said 
commissioners to New England by the Council. And as 
to merchandise brought by one Thomas Yost 1 on the- 
assurance and good faith of Father Dreuillettes, the 
council has decided to send and meet him, to point out 
a place where he may deliver them and that in its time. 
"Louis cPAilleboust, Lieutenant-General for the King 
and Governor of New France, etc. Greeting: Having 
been solicited and entreated both by the Christian 
Indians depending on our government and by the Abe- 
naquinors living on the river in Kinebequi and others, 
their allies, to protect them against the incursions of the 
Iroquois, their common enemies, as it had heretofore 
been practised by Sieur de Montmagny, our predecessor 
in this government; and having anew shown us that all 
their nations were on the point of being totally destroyed 
unless we speedily brought a remedy; we, for these 
causes and the good of this colony, and following the 
express orders given us in the name of the Queen Regent, 
mother of the King, to protect the Indians against their 
said enemies, have deputed and depute with advice of 
the Council established in this country, and some of the 
most notable inhabitants, the Sieur Gabriel Dreuillettes, 
preacher of the Gospel to the Indian nations, and John 
Godefroy, one of the councillors of the said Council, 
ambassadors for them to the gentlemen of New England, 
to treat either with the governors and magistrates of 
New England or with the general Court of Commis- 
sioners and deputies of the United Colonies, for assist- 
ance in men, munitions of war and supplies, to attack 
the said Iroquois in the most proper and convenient 
places; as also to agree upon articles which shall be 
deemed necessary to assure this treaty and to grant to 


the said people of New England the trade which they 
have desired from us by their letters in the year 1647, 
with the articles, clauses and conditions which they shall 
therein see necessary, awaiting the arrival of the ambas- 
sadors, whom we shall send on our behalf to ratify and 
establish finally what they may have agreed upon. We 
accordingly pray all governors, lieutenants-general, 
captains and others to let them pass freely." 

The historian Shea informs us that before the date 
of these papers the colony of Plymouth had decided 
against the French request, it having been agreed that 
"the court declared themselves not to be willing either 
to aid them in their design or to grant them liberty to 
come through our jurisdiction for the aforesaid purpose.'' 
.Soon after this decision had been arrived at, Dreuillettes 
and the governor reached Boston, and although both of 
them made the most strenuous efforts, they were unable 
to alter the decision as already adopted. It is thus 
readily seen that this was the point at issue which 
resulted in the breaking off of all further negotiations. 
It must be remembered, however, that the request was 
considerably out of the ordinary, and if allowed, would 
have been of much more benefit to the French than the 
English, inasmuch as the latter were far enough removed 
from the Iroquois to avoid all trouble or unpleasantness 
with them and were devoting their entire time and ener- 
gies to the pursuit of trade and agriculture. In the 
meantime the Iroquois gave but little uneasiness to the 
other nations, there being a period of at least six months 
during which not a single raid is charged against them. 
So again the Hurons fell into supineness and a negligent 
method of living, which it was their sad fate in the 
near future to learn was one of the principal causes of 
their former frequent and overwhelming defeats. The 
i6th of March, 1649, is given as the date when a party 
of not less than one thousand Iroquois swept down 
upon the town of St. Ignatius. Of the four hundred 
Hurons dwelling there at that time, the majority fell 
victims to the knife and tomahawk of the foe. St. 
Ignatius was a well-fortified town, but no watch was 
kept, and consequently the foe were enabled to steal 
upon them before they became aware of their presence. 
A majority of the women and children managed to 
escape to the woods, while a body of the warriors- 
some eighty in number — remained and resolved to de- 
fend the town to the last. These men fought bravely, 
twice repulsing the enemy; but at last the Iroquois 
managed to gain an entrance through the palisade, and 
once having done so, a general massacre ensued. In 
this engagement the Iroquois are reported to have lost 
but ten men, while of the eighty Hurons who remained 
in defense of their town but three escaped to tell the 
story. The Iroquois next descended upon St. Louis. 

which place they treated in a similar manner, their total 
loss here, however, numbering some thirty warriors, 
while a large number were wounded. Among those 
taken prisoners at this time were the Rev. Fathers John 
de Brebeuf and Lalemant. The victors having set fire 
to the cabins at St. Louis, returned at once with their 
prisoners to St. Ignatius, where they had left most of 
their provisions as well as a number of warriors in order, 
if necessary, to guard their retreat. Some days later a 
body of two hundred Iroquois approached the town of 
St. Mary, but when but a short distance from there fell 
into an ambuscade in which many were killed. Here 
again the scales turned in their favor, for, while being 
closely pursued to St. Louis by the victorious Hurons, 
they came upon their entire force, some eight hundred in 
number, encamped there, who surrounded the Hurons in 
such a manner that it was impossible for them to escape. 
They fought desperately, however, but at last, overcome 
by the unwonted exertion and reduced in numbers, the 
entire band was captured. These were counted among 
the bravest men of the nation, so that the consternation 
was general when it became known that they had fallen 
into the hands of their vindictive foe. The people of St. 
Mary's were now naturally much disturbed over their 
own condition, which, however, was for the time averted 
by the withdrawal of the Iroquois. But their distress 
was by no means lessened when a few days later they 
learned of the horrible fate which had befallen the captive 
missionaries, Fathers de Brebeuf and Lalemant, who 
they learned had been treated with great atrocity and 
finally burned at the stake. 

And now as a result of these many overwhelm- 
ing defeats, the Hurons began to realize too late how 
much of their deplorable condition was owing to lack 
of action and a proper appreciation of the intense activ- 
ity and determination of their foe. Long ago their reign 
of supremacy among the Indian tribes had ceased, and 
now they had arrived at a time when their very exist- 
ence was but the matter of a few weeks or months at 
the most. Now bereft of a leader, without union in 
action or organization, and almost paralyzed with fear 
and the absolute misery of their condition, they awaited 
the end without exhibiting to the slightest extent any 
further desire of maintaining the unequal contest. In 
but very few days after the destruction of St. 
Ignatius and the burning of St. Louis, fifteen Huron 
towns which lay scattered about St. Mary's were not 
only deserted, but burned to the ground, in order that 
they might not afford shelter to the foe should he come 
that way. And so, without home or shelter of any sort, 
with scantiest supplies and an ever present and awful 
dread that the enemy was close at hand, they wandered 
away to the north and to the east through the wilder- 


ness, hiding themselves among the rocks or islands of 
Lake Huron, and in some instances seeking an asylum 
among the people of the Tobacco Nation, while a few 
joined the Neutrals, whose home it will be remembered 
was on the north of Lake Erie. 

Of course there were still the people of St. Mary's 
who, however, looked pathetically forward to the inevi- 
table, for owing to their fear of the prowling foe and 
consequent inability to acquire the necessary means for 
sustenance, it became evident to all that they could hold 
out but a little while longer. It was this most unhappy 
state of affairs which caused the missionaries to dwell 
anxiously upon the necessity of making some provision. 
for their future welfare, and to that end they sought 
assiduously a suitable place where they could gather 
together the remnant of these people without fear of 
further depredation on part of the Iroquois. So they 
finally decided upon Manitouline Island, which lies north 
of Lake Huron. 

"Heretofore," Parkman tells us, "Sainte Marie had 
been covered by large fortified towns which lay between 
it and the Iroquois; but these were all destroyed, some 
by the enemy and some by their own people, and the 
Jesuits were left alone to bear the brunt of the next 
attack; there were moreover no reasons for their remain- 
ing. St. Mary's had been built as a basis for the mis- 
sions; but its occupation was gone; the flock had fled 
from the shepherd, and its existence had no longer an 
object. If the priests stayed to be butchered they would 
perish, not as martyrs, but as fools. The necessity was 
as clear as it was bitter. All their toils must come to 
naught. St. Mary's must be abandoned. They con- 
fessed the pang which the resolution cost them; 'but,' 
pursues the Father Superior, 'since the birth of Christi- 
anity faith has nowhere been planted except in the 
midst of suffering and crosses. Thus this desolation 
consoles us; and in the midst of persecution, in the 
extremity of the evils which assail us, and the greater 
evils which threaten us, we are all filled with joy, for 
our hearts tell us that God has never had more tender 
love for us than now.' 

"Several of the priests set out to follow and console 
the scattered band of fugitive Hurons. One embarked 
in a canoe, and coasted the dreary shores of Lake Huron 
northward, among the wild labyrinth of rocks and islands 
where his sacred flock had fled for refuge; he betook 
himself to the forest with a band of half famished pros- 
elytes, and shared their miserable rovings through the 
thickets and among the mountains." 

The Island of Manitouline, or as the Hurons called 
it, Ekaentoton, occupied an area some forty leagues 
from east to west, but narrow throughout in width. 
Its position seemed quite advantageous, giving reads- 

access to the numerous Algonquin tribes who made their 
home along the borders of the inland seas. It also had 
the advantage of bringing those settled there in close 
proximity to the French settlements, which could be 
easily reached by means of the Ottawa river, which, how- 
ever, for the time being, was regarded unsafe, owing 
to its frequent use by the Iroquois as a thoroughfare in 
their raids throughout that part of the country. The 
fishing in this locality was also good and the soil excel- 
lent, while, owing to the fact that it was untenanted, the 
territory abounded in deer. But here a difficulty arose, 
for when a number of Huron chiefs came for the purpose 
of talking over and providing for the proposed change, 
they made known the fact that a number of the tribe 
were loath to leave their country and remove to so dis- 
tant a location, and had therefore decided to settle at St. 
Joseph's Island, which lay but a short distance from the 
mainland where they were. Their plea for concurrent 
action on the part of the missionaries in this undertaking 
was couched, says Ragueneau, in such elegant and 
pathetic language that they finally gained their point, 
the Fathers agreeing to follow them there. So on the 
25th of May, 1649, the missionaries having first burned 
their building at St. Mary's, they embarked for their new 
home, where there soon arose a little town of one hun- 
dred cabins. 

Another and more elaborate statement of this exodus 
is given by Parkman, who says: "Near the entrance to 
Matchedash Bay lie the three islands now known as 
Faith, Hope and Charity; of these Charity or Christian 
Island called Ahoendoe by the Hurons, and St. Joseph 
by the Jesuits, is by far the largest. It is six or eight 
miles wide, and when the Hurons sought refuge here it 
was densely covered with primeval forest. The priests 
landed with their men, some forty soldiers, laborers and 
others, and- found about three hundred Huron families 
bivouacked in the woods. Here were wigwams and 
sheds of bark and smoky kettles slung over fires, each on 
its tripod of poles, while around lay groups of famished 
wretches with dark haggard visages and uncombed hair, 
in every posture of despair and woe. They had not been 
wholly idle; for they had made some rough clearings 
and planted a little corn. The arrival of the Jesuits gave 
them new hope; and weakened as they were with famine, 
they set themselves to the task of hewing and burning 
down the forest, making bark houses and planting pali- 
sades. The priests on their part chose a favorable spot, 
and began to clear the ground and mark out the lines of 
a fort. Their men — the greater number serving without 
pay — labored with admirable spirit, and before winter 
had built a square bastioned fort of solid masonry with a 
deep ditch and wall about twelve feet high. Within were 
a small chapel, houses for lodging and a well, which 


with the ruins of the walls may still be seen on the south- 
eastern shore of the island one hundred feet from the 
water. Detached redoubts were also built near at hand, 
where French musketeers could aid in defending the 
adjacent Huron villages. Though the island was called 
St. Joseph, the fort like that on the Wye, received the 
name of Ste. Marie. Jesuit devotion scattered these 
names broadcast over all the field of their labor. 

"The island, thanks to the vigilance of the French, 
escaped attack throughout the summer; but Iroquois 
scalping parties ranged the neighboring shores, killing 
stragglers and keeping the Hurons in perpetual alarm. 
As winter drew near great numbers who trembling and 
by stealth had gathered a miserable subsistence among 
the Northern forests and islands rejoined their country- 
men at St. Joseph until six or eight thousand expatriated 
wretches were gathered here under the protection of the 
French fort. They were housed in a hundred or more 
bark dwellings, each containing eight or ten families. 
Here were widows without children and children with- 
out parents, for famine and the Iroquois had proved 
more deadly enemies than the pestilence which a few 
years before had visited their towns. Of this multitude 
but few had strength enough to labor. Scarcely any had 
made provision for the winter, and numbers were already 
perishing for want, dragging themselves from house to 
house like living skeletons. The priests had spared no 
efforts to meet the demands upon their charity. They 
sent men during the autumn to buy smoked fish from 
the northern Algonquins, and employed Indians to 
gather acorns in the woods. Of this miserable food 
they succeeded in collecting five or six hundred bushels. 
To diminish its bitterness, the Indians boiled it with 
ashes or the priests served it out to them pounded and 
mixed w ith corn. 

"As winter advanced the Huron houses became a 
frightful spectacle. Their inmates were dying by scores 
daily. The priests and their men buried the bodies, and 
the Indians dug them from the earth or the snow and fed 
on them, sometimes in secret and sometimes openly; 
although, notwithstanding their superstitious feasts on 
the bodies of their enemies, their repugnance and horror 
were extreme at the thought of devouring those of rela- 
tives and friends. An epidemic presently appeared to aid 
the work of the famine. Before spring about half of their 
number were dead. 

"Meanwhile though the cold was intense and the 
snow several feet deep, yet not an hour was free from the 
danger of the Iroquois; and from sunset to daybreak, 
under the cold moon or in the driving snow-storm, the 
French sentries walked the rounds along the rampart-. 

"The priests rose before dawn and spent the time till 
sunrise in their private devotions. Then the bell of their 

chapel rung, and the Indians came in crowds at the call; 
for misery had softened their hearts, and nearly all on 
the island were now Christians. There was a Mass, fol- 
lowed by a prayer and a few words of exhortation; then 
the hearers dispersed to make room for others. Thus the 
little chapel was filled ten or twelve times until all had 
their turn. Meanwhile other priests were hearing con- 
fessions, giving advice and encouragement in private, 
according to the needs of each applicant. This lasted 
till nine o'clock, when all the Indians returned to their 
village, and the priests presently followed to give what 
assistance they could. 

"Their cassocks were worn out and they were dressed 
chiefly in skins. They visited the Indian houses, and gave 
to those whose necessities were most urgent small scraps 
of hide severally stamped with a particular mark, and 
entitling the recipients on presenting them at the fort to 
a few acorns and a small quantity of boiled maize or a 
fragment of smoked fish, according to the stamp on the 
leather ticket of each. Two hours before sun-set, the bell 
of the chapel again rang, and the religious exercises of 
the morning were repeated. Thus this miserable winter 
wore away, till the opening spring brought new fears and 
new necessities." 

From other sources we learn the fact that the Indians 
had settled but a brief time in their new home when the 
fisheries became unproductive and the resources of the 
chase exhausted; so that as they had made but little 
preparation for such an event, and had planted hardly 
anything, by fall their stock of provisions began notice- 
ably to fail. By early winter even they were reduced to 
extremities most horrible, disinterring and ravenously 
devouring the half-decayed bodies of their relatives and 
friends. This condition naturally brought about others 
more disastrous still. Maladies of a contagious char- 
acter broke out among them, and spread with such 
rapidity that they soon became entirely beyond control, 
Yet we are told that in the midst of all this horror, not 
one of the neophytes wavered in the least, but rather they 
all waited with the most perfect resignation the "orders 
of Heaven." 

A few months anterior to the time of which we have 
been speaking, it became known that a force of three 
hundred braves had gone upon the warpath, although no 
reliable information was obtainable as to the direction 
they had taken. Due precautions, however, were taken 
to prevent surprise, scouts being sent out in every direc- 
tion to discover if possible signs of their whereabouts, 
and also to notify the different towns and settlements to 
be on their guard. Particularly was this done in the case 
of the Tionnontatez nation, who were the most exposed 
of any to depredations at the hands of the Iroquois. Their 
country lav in the mountains on the shores of Lake 


Huron, some thirty-five or forty miles distant from the 
former town of St. Mary's. The principal town was 
called St. John, where there were assembled in the neigh- 
borhood of six hundred families. 

With their usual perversity, 1 however, the Hurons of 
St. John, instead of at once preparing to make a strong 
and deliberate defensive stand, scouted the idea of such 
an invasion, or at least credited it to bravado on the part 
of the Iroquois. So instead of strengthening their fortifi- 
cations and keeping a more watchful eye upon the sur- 
rounding country, the warriors of this settlement armed' 
themselves and went forth in search of the enemy. But 
the Iroquois were not asleep, and learning of this impru- 
dent step on the part of the Hurons, they at once adopted 
a false route, and making a circuitous march passed the 
body of pursuers and were soon within sight of the town. 

The mission 2 of St. John's at this time was in charge of 
Fathers Charles Gamier and Natalis Chabanel, although 
at the moment referred to the former was the only one 
present, Father Chabanel having some two days previ- 
ously been called elsewhere. 

It was in the early morning, and Father Garnier was 
actively engaged in visiting among the cabins of his 
people, when that dreaded sound, the warwhoop of the 
Iroquois, was heard. Recognizing at once their imper- 
iled condition, and realizing that there was no possible 
chance for escape, the good missionary immediately 
turned his steps toward the chapel, which he found filled 
with panic-stricken people. To these at once he pointed 
out the necessity for immediate action, trying to prove 
to them in their half-dazed condition that there was 
safety in nothing but flight. So great was his desire for 
their well-being and escape, that he even volunteered to 
go forth to the enemy and retard them as much as pos- 
sible in order that they might have time to place them- 
selves in a position of safety, and he assured them on leav- 
ing that as long as he had a breath of life he would not 
abandon those who should need his ministry, begging 
them in return not to forget the lessons which he had 
given them. So he went forth to his doom, hastening 

(1) Owing to the information generally carried throughout the coun- 
try the village of St. John's became somewhat augmented by bands of 
fugitive Hurons. who, fearing the ruining of the foe, had taken refuge 
there. "When, therefore," Parkman tells us, "the warriors were warned 
by Ragueneau of a probable attack from the Iroquois, they were far 
from being daunted, but, confiding in their numbers, awaited the enemy 
in one of those fits of valor which characterized the unstable courage of 
the savage. At St. John's all was paint, feathers and uproar— singing, 
dancing, howling and stamping, ijnii.'is were tilled, knives whetted, and 
tomahawks sharpened; and when after two days of eager expectancy the 
enemy did not appear, the warriors lost patience. Thinking, and probably 
with reason, that the Iroquois were afraid of them, they resolved to sally 
forth and take the offensive. With yelps and whoops they defiled into the 

forest where the branches t 

with snow. They pushed on rapidly till the following day, but could r 
discover their wary enemy, who had made £ 
approaching the town from another quarter, 
captured a Tobacco Indian and his squaw - 1 — 

• and bare and the" ground covered 

. luck the Iroquois 

in the Tionnontatez 

, St. Jean's or as the Indians called it, Eta 

in charge of Fathers Garnier and Chabanel, and St. Mat- 

? Fathers Oiiria 

I Grelon resided. 

from house to house, running from one to another, 
and giving absolution and Baptism. It was while 
engaged in these pious offices that one of the 
Iroquois shot him, and after tearing off his cas- 
sock left him for dead. Recovering somewhat and 
noticing a short distance from him a Huron who had 
been mortally wounded, he endeavored to reach him, 
but in so doing was noticed by an Iroquois, who rushed 
forward and immediately despatched him. 

Having slaughtered the greater pan of the inhabi- 
tants of St. John's, the Iroquois immediately set fire to 
the town, after which, fearing the quick return of the 
war party, they made a hasty retreat through the forest, 
from time to time killing any who showed signs of lag- 
ging or were detrimental to their rapid flight. Towards 
evening of the same day a number of Hurons who had 
managed to escape the horrible slaughter arrived at St. 
Matthias, where they made known the terrible facts. The 
people at once became frantic with alarm, fearing that 
the Iroquois would attack them also; but on the follow- 
ing day, when from reliable sources it was learned that 
they had already retreated far towards their own country, 
a party attended by Fathers Garreau and Grelon at once 
set forth to the scene of the butchery with a view to 
making a proper disposition of the remains of Father 
Garnier as well as of the others who might be found. 
Arriving there after a long and futile search, they were 
at last rewarded by discovering the missionary's remains, 
which however were so scorched and disfigured that they 
were hardly recognizable. The two priests wrapped his 
mutilated body in a part of their own clothing, while the 
Indians dug a grave on the spot where the church had 
stood and there they buried him. 

When on the second morning the warriors returned 
to St. John's, they found nothing but ghastly relics of 
their former homes and murdered families, a condition 
brought about by their rashness, stupidity, and utter 
want of appreciation of the remarkable tenacity of the 
Iroquois to a purpose or undertaking when once they 
had pledged themselves to its fulfillment. But this was 
not the only horror which the missionaries were called 
upon to endure, or sufferings and martyrdom which 
some of them were known to have experienced at that 
time. Only a day or so previous to the massacre of St. 
John's, on the 5th or 6th of the month of December, 
1649, Father Chabanel, under instructions from the 
Father Superior of the Missions, who deemed it needless 
to expose the life of more than one priest in a position 
of such danger, left St. John's in company with a few 
Christian Indians. On his way he stopped at St. 
Matthias, and on the morning of the 7th — which is des- 
ignated as the one on which the Iroquois' attack was 
made upon St. John's — left there to pursue his journey. 


Proceeding a distance of some eighteen miles througli 
the forest, they encamped, and the entire party with 
the exception of the missionary soon fell asleep. He, 
however, was anxious and nervous and consequently 
remained awake during the entire time. Towards mid- 
night he heard an unusual sound, which he finally recog- 
nized as a confusion of voices, mingled with songs and 
outcries. It proved indeed to be the Iroquois war party 
on its retreat from St. John's, coming dangerously 
near to the encampment of Father Chabanel and 
his sleeping Indians. He at once quietly and care- 
fully aroused his companions and warned them of the 
danger. Immediately on becoming aware of the situa- 
tion they fled. Father Chabanel followed in their wake, 
but being less sure of foot and slower of motion, was 
soon distanced by his companions, who thus left him 
alone in the wilderness. The Indians returned to St. 
Matthias, and for a time at least quieted the anxiety of 
the missionaries there by stating that Father Chabanel 
had taken another route in order that he might as 
quickly as possible reach the island of St. Joseph. The 
untruthfulness of this statement, however, was later 
made known by a Huron Indian, who had been con- 
verted but later apostatized. This Indian declared that 
he met him alone in the forest and had aided him across 
the river near the banks of which he had found him. 
Then it became a question among his friends as to 
whether he had died of exposure or famine, for it was 
thoroughly realized by this time that he would never 
again be seen alive. At last, however, all doubts were 
set at rest when this same renegade Huron came forward 
and confessed that he had killed the Missionary and 
thrown his body into the river, after having robbed him 
of everything of value he had about him. 

But what of the two remaining Missionaries, Fathers 
Garreau and Grelon, who were left alone at the mission 
of St. Matthias (Matthew) to stem the torrent of abuse 
which was being poured upon them, and withstand the 
treacherous treatment of a majority of these misguided 
savages who had become inspired by a fanatical belief 
that all their troubles and afflictions were to be traced to 
the presence of the missionaries among them? In spite 
of the disrepute into which they had fallen and the 
danger that constantly menaced them, they stood vali- 
antly at their post, pleading the cause of Christ with 
insistent urgency; teaching, praying and exhorting in 
fearless and energetic language, and by self-abnegation, 
most complete and unexcelled diligence availing them- 
selves of every means in their power to maintain the 
prestige of the Church. But in spite of all of this self- 
sacrifice and devotion, abuse was added to abuse and 
cruelty to cruelty until amidst the howls and screeches 
of the frantic horde they were told that they were to die. 


Strange as it may seem, however, and though the 
hatchets of these demons were brandished in dangerous 
proximity to their persons, they passed through this 
most terrific ordeal 1 unscathed. 

And thus the weary months dragged along until the 
spring at last appeared, though bringing but little hope 
or comfort to the miserable, misguided and famished 
people who dwelt on St. Joseph's Island. As if to add 
to the discomfort of their condition, there within sight 
and almost reach along the winding shores of the main- 
land were the only available fishing grounds; while here 
and there — further inland, to be sure, yet still within 
plain view — lay numerous spots of verdure, drawn, as it 
were, through their winter's snowy coating by lingering 
and genial caresses of the warming sun. But alas! there 
too lurked danger, for the deadly foe went prowling 
about the vicinity, ever vigilant and on the alert for 
those whom hunger tempted to these inviting lures in 
search of food. The choice, in fact, lay between certain 
danger and almost assured death by slow starvation; and 
they naturally selected the former as their alternative. 
So finally they ventured forth, making over the weak 
and treacherous ice towards the mainland, where those 
who escaped the perils of the journey— a number 
drowned in the attempt — divided themselves into fishing 
parties of from five or six to one hundred in number. It 
was here while engaged in this peaceful pursuit that the 
Iroquois — a large band of whom had come through snow 
and ice from their far-away homes in Central New York 
for that purpose — found and slaughtered them. Of this 
episode Father Superior Ragueneau writes: "My pen has 
no ink black enough to describe the fury of the Iro- 
quois," and again, "It is said that hunger will drive 
wolves from the forest; so, too, our starving Hurons 
were driven out of a town which had become an abode of 
horror. It was the end of Lent. Alas, if these poor 
Christians could have had but acorns and water to keep 
their fast upon! On Easter day we caused them to make 
a general confession. On the following morning they 
went away, leaving us all their little possessions; and 
most of them declared publicly that they made us their 
heirs, knowing well that they were near their end. And, 
in fact, only a few days passed before we heard of the dis- 
aster which we had foreseen. These poor people fell 
into ambuscades of our Iroquois enemies. Some were 
killed on the spot; some were dragged into captivity : 
women and children were burned; a few made their 
escape and spread dismay and panic everywhere. A week 
after another band was overtaken by the same fate. Go 

atisfied with the result 

(1) It was indeed an awful test. for. not 
brought about by the example of their own 
sought to draw the Christians of the tribe into this vortex of shameless- 
by giving them to believe that the French had betrayed their coni- 
"" ' to the Iroquois, tr 
; willing accomplic 


where they would, they met with slaughter on all sides. 
Famine pursued them, or they encountered an enemy 
more cruel than cruelty itself; and, to crown their misery, 
they heard that two great armies of Iroquois were on the 
way to exterminate them. Despair was universal." 

The result of this raid and consequent trouble was 
that those of the Hurons who still remained on St. 
Joseph's Island — some three hundred in all — held a 
number of councils at which it was finally decided to 
abandon the island. Still, they were not unanimous as to 
the proper means to adopt for their future care and 
safety; some expressed a desire to withdraw themselves 
from all of their former associations and remove to the 
remotest and most desolate timber part of the country; 
while others, remembering the previous offers made to 
them by the missionaries, and the description given by 
them of that territory, were in favor of emigrating to 
Manitouline Island. Others still favored going to the 
Andastes and identifying themselves with that people, 
while there were a few who favored the unseemly project 
of requesting adoption at the hands of the Iroquois. 
However, before coming to any final decision, a number 
of the most prominent members of the tribe went in a 
body to Father Ragueneau, and referring in pathetic lan- 
guage to the deplorable condition into which the tribe 
had fallen, stated as their unqualified opinion that the 
only means of saving the remnant would be for the Mis- 
sionary Fathers to gather together the dispersed mem- 
bers, and placing themselves at their head, take them 
to Quebec or to some other point of safety, where under 
the protection of the French they could lead a peaceful 
and pastoral existence on whatever territory the Gover- 
nor-General might see fit to apportion to them. In mak- 
ing this plea, the leading orator of the tribe said: "Take 
courage, brother: you can save us if you will but resolve 
on one bold step. Choose a place where you can gather 
us together and prevent this dispersion of our people; 
turn your eyes towards Quebec and transfer thither what 
is left of this ruined country; do not wait until war and 
famine have destroyed us unto the last man; w r e are in 
your hands. Death has taken from you more than 
ten thousand of us. If you wait longer, not one 
will remain alive; and then you will be sorry that you 
did not save those whom you might have snatched from 
danger, and who showed you the means of doing so. [f 
you do as we wish, we will form a church under the 
protection of the Fort at Quebec. Our faith will not be 
extinguished. The examples of the French and the 
Algonquins will encourage us in our duty and then- 
charity will relieve some of our misery; at least we shall 
sometimes find a morsel of bread for our children, who 
so long have had nothing but bitter roots and acorns 
to keep them alive." 


Before making a definite answer to the proposition of 
the Hurons, the Reverend .Missionary naturally referred 
the matter to his associates, or at least to as many of 
them as could be reached, all of whom heartily agreed 
with the proposition and engaged themselves to assist, 
as far as lay within their power, in furthering and carry- 
ing out the undertaking; and it was certainly time that 
some heroic means were adopted, that is, if anything was 
done, for now, turn their eye in whichever direction they 
might, they found nothing but desolation and destruction, 
since throughout the entire territory previously occu- 
pied by the Hurons, and where in their numerous and 
extended journeyings the missionaries had been wont to 
see their thriving towns and settlements, there was now 
absolutely nothing but the charred and scattered rem- 
nants of their dwellings, while of the large and active 
population of naturally healthful people there remained 
but a handful of emaciated and dispirited wretches whose 
fear and terror at the fate which had befallen their fel- 
lows led them to shrink even from their own shadows. 

The undertaking, once resolved upon, very soon 
became interestingly active around the camp of the 
Hurons, and preparations were pushed forward with the 
utmost expedition; canoes were gone over and refitted 
and others built. Whatever supplies could be gathered 
were brought together and packed so that, all being 
ready, they began their still perilous voyage towards the 
settlement on June 10, 1650, the party at that time con- 
sisting of the missionaries, their French followers and 
about three hundred Hurons. 

Speaking of the abandonment of this mission, Father 
Ragueneau afterwards said : "It was not without tears that 
we left the country of our hopes and hearts, where our 
brethren had gloriously shed their blood." Carefully and 
fearfully, then, they wended their way along the desolate 
shores which but a short time ago had been the seat of 
unwonted activity and the heart of many Indian settle- 
ments. But the caution observed in their journeyings 
was of the utmost necessity, for it was generally conceded 
that it would have taken but a small band of active and 
vigorous warriors to overcome and destroy them. As 
they advanced their precautions were doubled, for steer- 
ing northward along the eastern coast of the Georgian 
Bay, they every little while came across traces of the Iro- 
quois and undeniable evidences of their recent presence 
there. When they had accomplished about half of the 
journey, the party met with Father Bressani, who having 
spent a considerable portion of the winter in Quebec, was 
returning with an escort to the mission, not having had 
the slightest intimation of its terrible fate and the almost 
utter annihilation of the people. For some distance from 
Quebec he had been escorted on his way by a body of 
Frenchmen, some forty in number, who, however, as 


prearranged, had left him to return to the fort, so that 
for a few days immediately preceding his meeting with 
the party he had been journeying alone in company with 
some twenty Huron converts who had attended him on 
his visit to Quebec. But shortly after the departure of 
the French, however, he met with a terrible experience. 
It would seem that a little party of Iroquois warriors had 
dwelt for a considerable part of the winter in a little log 
fort on the border of the Ottawa, where they divided 
their time between hunting and awaiting the approach of 
some unsuspecting enemy whom they might take and 

These warriors noted the passage of Father Bres- 
sani's party, and far into the night when the good priest 
and his followers lay sleeping about their fires they 
stole into the middle of the camp, passed the drowsy and 
negligent guards, and, giving vent to a blood-curdling 
warwhoop, began with lightning-like rapidity to toma- 
hawk the recumbent foe. Of those, seven were imme- 
diately killed, while the Missionary, who had leaped to 
his feet at the first alarm, received three arrow wounds 
in the head. The fight now became general, resulting 
in the death of six of the Iroquois and capture of two. 
The remaining two succeeded in breaking from their 
pursuers and escaping into the forest. Of the particular 
locality in which this incident occurred, the historian 
Parkman says: "When they reached Lake Nipissing, 
they found it deserted, nothing remaining of the Algon- 
quins who dwelt on the shore, except the ashes of their 
burned wigwams. A little farther on there was a fort 1 
built of trees, where the Iroquois who made this desola- 
tion had spent the winter, and a league or two below 
there was another similar fort. The River Ottawa was a 
solitude; the Algonquins of Allumette Island and the 
shores adjacent had all been killed or driven away, never 
again to return. "When I came upon this great river, 
only thirteen years ago," says Ragueneau, "I found it 
bordered with Algonquin tribes who knew no God, and 
in their infidelity thought themselves gods on earth; 
for they had all that they desired— an abundance of fish 
and game and a prosperous trade with allied nations; 
besides, they were the terror of their enemies. But since 
they have embraced the faith and adored the Cross of 
Christ, He has given them a heavy share in this cross 
and made them prey to misery, torture and a cruel death. 
In a word, they are a people swept from the face of the 
earth. Our only consolation is that as they died Chris- 
tians they have a part in the inheritance of the true chil- 
dren of God, who scourgeth everyone whom He 

It took Father Bressani and Ids people but a short 

time to arrive at the conclusion that it would be wise for 
them to return. So they united with the others and 
together descended the St. Lawrence, finally arriving at 
Montreal, where they were most cordially welcomed and 
invited to remain. But this they were not satisfied to do, 
fearing that the knowledge of their presence there would 
draw upon them large forces of the Iroquois; to with- 
stand the onslaught, they deemed they had not sufficient 
strength; so after resting for a day or two they reem- 
barked and continued their journey, arriving without 
further incident in Quebec on July 28, 1650. Here the 
Governor received them with every demonstration of 
kindness and satisfaction; while, although a number of 
people in good or fairly easy circumstances were but lim- 
ited, everything possible was done for their comfort, 
the Ursuline hospital nuns and entire population, in 
fact, taxing their resources to the utmost in order that 
they might provide sufficient food and shelter for the 
sufferers. Some of the principal residents even went so 
far as to pledge themselves to the support of a certain 
number of families, in spite of which, however, there 
were at least two hundred wretched creatures who had 
absolutely nowhere to go to for support and who, as 
Charlevoix puts it, "subsisted for a long time without 
its being possible to conceive what enabled them to sub- 
sist." Of the fate that followed the misguided few among 
the Hurons who flatly refused to accompany their fel- 
lows with the missionaries to Quebec, the story is soon 
told. Some joined themselves with other nations, who 
in accepting them thus drew upon themselves the active 
and vindictive hatred of the Iroquois; some, we learn, 
went farther abroad and journeyed towards the English 
settlements, taking up their residence among the tribes 
which lived in the territory contiguous to, or at the pres- 
ent time constituting the State of Pennsylvania; others, 
a larger party, to whom the Iroquois had made overtures 
of peace, discovering- in time the intended perfidy of 
those people, outgeneraled them at their own game, fell 
upon them when unexpected, slaughtered a large num- 
ber of warriors, and then made their way in saiety to 
Manitouline, 2 and having remained there for a brief 
period, finally descended to Quebec. Those who 
remained of the settlements of St. Michael and St. John 
took the dangerous expedient of presenting themselves 
to the Iroquois, with whom they proposed thereafter to 
identify themselves, and by whom, strange to say, they 
were well received. Yet so vindictive and aggressive did 
the Iroquois continue to be, that not only the Huron 
country, but also the entire territory tributary to the 
Ottawa, which had previously been so thickly settled, 
was entirely deserted. Tt was in fact not one particular 

already referred t 


section, but the entire country, that suffered more from 
the depredation of these irrepressible savages than the 
trials inflicted upon them by famine and disease, for 
while the more westerly of the five nations were devot- 
ing their time and energies to the annihilation of the 
Hurons, the Mohawks were equally aggressive and 
untiring in their depredations upon the Algonquins and 
the French. And in addition to this, although well- 
intentioned as a whole and desirous of reciprocating in 
a suitable manner the generosity and kindness shown 
to them by the French, there was a lurking treachery 
in the ranks of the more civilized tribes which occasion- 
ally brought disaster to the work of the missionaries, as 
well as settlers besides, on almost every occasion reacting 
with marked emphasis upon the people themselves. An 
instance is given of this in the following incident fur- 
nished by Parkham: "It would seem that a party of 
Christian Indians, chiefly from Sylleri, planned a stroke 
of retaliation, and set out for the Mohawk country, 
marching cautiously and sending forward scouts to scour 
the forest. One of these, a Huron, suddenly fell in with 
a large Iroquois war party, and seeing that he could not 
escape, formed on the instant a villainous plan to save 
himself. He ran towards the enemy, crying out that he 
had long been looking for them and was delighted to 
see them; that his nation, the Hurons, had come to an 
end; and that henceforth his country was the country 
of the Iroquois, where so many of his kinsmen and 
friends had been adopted. He had come, he declared, 
with no other thought than that of joining them and 
turning Iroquois as they had done. The Iroquois 
demanded if he had come alone. He answered, 'No,' 
and said that in order to accomplish his purpose he had 
joined an Algonquin war party, who were in the woods 
not far off. The Iroquois, in great delight, demanded 
to be shown where they were. This Judas, as the Jesuits 
called him, at once complied, and the Algonquins were 
surprised by a sudden onset and routed with severe loss. 
The treacherous Huron 1 was well treated by the Iro- 
quois, who adopted him into their nation. Not long 

(1) Another account of this inst 
Indians at Qurl.H- who planned this v _. r . 
of the inhaliitanls of Syllori to join thorn. The force is als. 
been swelled by a number of Algonquins of Three Rivi 
Hurons who happened to be at the same place. Upon approaching the 
Milage where they had resolved to make their first attack, a Huron and 
an \k',,„.iuiii «e,e sent forward as scouts. Soon after they separated and 
the Huron, falling into the hands of the Troqunis pam without Itera- 
tion betrayed his faith, his nation and his allies to save his life. "Brolh- 
said he on approaching the enemy, "I have long sought some of 

mly c 

t for 

. . where I know the Hurons and Iroquoi.- 

poople and have only one land. After traveling more 

the war path 

securely, f joined an Wgoiiquin party which I 
against you. I left ii inn days ago to warn you to De on .,„. 
He then acted as guide to the Mohawks, who, advancing on the Chris- 
tians, found them asleep. They awoke indeed only at a volley of mus- 
ketry; and as the enemy had time and opportunity to choose where to 
strike the bravest of the allies lay dead on the spot before any of the 
party had lime to tly to arms. Yet many fought bravelv. and under cover 
of their resistance a considerable number escaped to the woods. All the 
rest were killed or taken and burned at the stake, except two who brought 

In all the details of this sad adventu™ ™° * " J - "--?-- 

is given as Louis Skandarliietse. 

e of the renegade Huron 

after he came to Canada and with a view, as it is 
thought, to some further treachery, rejoined the French. 
A cross questioning put him to conviction and he pres- 
ently confessed his guilt. He was sentenced to death, 
and the sentence was executed by one of his own coun- 
trymen, who split his head with a hatchet." 

In spite of the many difficulties which prevailed and 
seemed to surround each newly proposed undertaking 
of the missionaries in behalf of their Indian allies, it was 
hoped at least that those who had consorted together 
and taken refuge at Quebec had to a certain extent 
overcome misery and destitution, which had for so long 
a period oppressed their people; at least so thought the 
Missionary Fathers, who after giving the matter 
careful and deliberate consideration had come to 
the conclusion that there was no reason what- 
ever why they should not be made a self-supporting 
contingent of the forces of the settlement, which condi- 
tion they believed could be brought about so as to but 
slightly burden the settlers, or the French Company, 
with any extra or unnecessary expenses. With this object 
in view, Father Lalemant, Superior-General of the 
Missions, made a journey to France for the purpose of 
consulting the members or Directors of the Canada Com- 
pany, being desirous of obtaining their aid and consent to 
furthering the undertaking. Arriving in his native 
country, and in due time presenting himself before that 
body, he laid before them in eloquent and pathetic lan- 
guage the actual condition of affairs, interspersing vivid 
word pictures of the scenes and circumstances surround- 
ing them which had brought a Christianized people from 
a happy and prosperous state down to its present 
reduced and miserable condition. He also noted for 
their consideration the very small expense to which 
they would be put in furthering the proposed arrange- 
ment, by the carrying out of which the colony, both in 
the matter of trade and defense, would be greatly ben- 
efited. But for all the good that it did, he might, it 
appears, as well have spoken to a lot of wooden men, as 
the management of the Company, unanimously en- 
grossed in the single purpose of personal aggrandize- 
ment, favored no course but such which if diligently 
pursued would lead to the ultimate accomplishment of 
their purpose. Religion, comfort, the ordinary respect 
that one is supposed to show for the feelings and well- 
being of another, were all neglected with the utmost 
indifference by this body of men whose avarice and want 
of consideration had carried them almost beyond the 
pale of decency. 

During the summer of 165 1 the settlers at Three 
Rivers became informed that a band of Iroquois were 
hiding in the neighborhood, and in order to make certain 


of the truthfulness of the statement and to gain, if pos- 
sible, a further knowledge of their location and import- 
ance, a body of sixty men was sent out to investigate. 
The Iroquois party numbered twenty-five men only, but 
upon seeing the approach of the French, although they 
at once recognized the superiority of the forces, they 
exhibited no intention to withdraw, but on the contrary 
prepared in a deliberate manner for the encounter. 
Leaving their canoes, they posted themselves waist 
deep in the mud and water among the rushes with 
which the river bank was heavily fringed, and awaited 
the nearer approach of the enemy. Here for a consid- 
erable time they fought stubbornly, holding the French- 
men at bay, but at length, finding themselves outweighed 
by numbers, they regained their canoes and proceeded 
to make a deliberate retreat. The French followed, but 
becoming separated, the Iroquois, who had kept care- 
fully together, took the opportunity of returning and 
inflicting chastisement to the leading boats. Then 
again, as the others approached, they hurried forward, 
repeating this mode of warfare as long as pursuit was 
continued, and in the engagement killing a number of 
the most reliable and best among the French soldiers 1 . 

Many strange and curious stories are told of the for- 
titude and heroism exhibited by the Christian Indians 
when brought to the torture by their merciless captors; 
and it is surprising to note the fortitude with which they 
were enabled to undergo the terrible ordeal put upon 
them. Every cruelty which human ingenuity could 
devise was applied in nearly all of these cases, the pris- 
oners being subjected to even severer tests than had 
heretofore been used, their tormentors being urged on by 
the medicine men and fetich worshipers, who saw in the 
growth and spread of the Christian religion the downfall 
and overthrow of their own mimic and despicable pow- 
ers. To extract a groan from a heathen prisoner 
was not so pleasant and satisfactory a task as to obtain 
an expression or even a sign of pain from one who had 
foresworn his allegiance to the deities of his nation for 
the calmer and more ennobling beliefs of the Christian 
faith. A particular instance in illustration is told by 
Charlevoix of an Indian Algonquin named Joseph Ono- 
hare, or Onahare, which is as follows: "He had been 
brought up almost from childhood at Sylleri, and 
although naturally of a hard and haughty disposition, 
grace and education had entirely corrected the defect, and 
he attained a degree of perfection uncommon in the very 
heart of Christendom. A year before his death an event 
befell him which deeply impressed those who witnessed it. 

heretic Dutch father a 

a. pagan mother." 

r produced betwe< 

He had joined a war party under a renowned chief, an 
idolater, however, and very superstitious, who would not 
take the field without consulting his manitou. Onohare 
in vain employed every effort to divert him. The chief 
called a medicine man, who put up his sweating-cabin, 
and had no sooner entered it than it began to shake in 
the most surprising manner. 

The man — to whom even the thing appeared most 
extraordinary — proceeded notwithstanding to utter his 
usual cries and howls; but some time after he suddenly 
changed his tone, and calling to Onohare, who was not 
far off, assailed him with furious threats. The noble 
Christian at once approached, and convinced that it was 
the devil who spoke by the mouth of his minister, 
exclaimed: "I adore Him who out of nothing created 
heaven and earth. He is my sovereign Lord and yours; 
and in spite of yourself you are compelled to acknowl- 
edge Him as such even as I do." While still speaking, 
although there was no one near him, he felt himself 
struck so violently on the side that he almost lost his 
breath and movement. Three days after, still feeling 
great pain, he fervently prayed to God to restore him. 
His prayer was heard and he set out on the war path 
with the rest. 

During the march, another Indian, who had appar- 
ently had a bad dream, came to him one morning in 
great excitement and told him that he was very sorry 
that he had started on that expedition with him — that his 
obstinate refusal to consult the spirits would inevitably 
draw down some reverse on the party. The fervent 
Christian took pity on the blindness of this man and 
endeavored to disabuse him of his errors. While they 
were speaking they perceived two Iroquois, and rushed 
upon them. Onohare overtook one and killed him at a 
single blow. The other escaped. The young Christian 
then returned to his comrade, who had not made any 
very earnest endeavor to reach the enemy, and told him 
that his manitou had doubtless warned him against any 
undue exposure of his person. "Know, then, once 
for all, he added, "that a Christian who is faithful to his 
God fears nothing and that your demons can render no 
assistance to those who invoke them." 

It was in the closing act of this neophyte's life that 
he appeared the greatest. He had prepared for it by a 
general confession and frequent Communions. From 
the outset of the expedition in which he was taken he 
had a presentiment that he would never return; and as 
it was a battle against the enemies of God, he consoled 
himself with the hope of martyrdom. Filled with this 
idea, his joy increased at the thought of the sufferings he 
might have to undergo; nor was he wanting to himself 
in the midst of his tortures. He constantly exhorted his 


companion to patience, and his executioners wishing to 
silence him, lie boldly told them that it was not in their 
power to prevent his publishing the praises of his God, 
and laboring for his glory. This reply roused them to 
fury, but in vain did they devise the most unheard of 
tortures to force him to silence. He ceased to bless the 
Almighty only when he ceased to live. 

What a pathetic history was this of the once proud 
nation of the Hurons, and what a wonderful story of 
self-devotion and tireless labor on the part of the mis- 
sionaries; the former divided in their beliefs, yet with a 
general tendency towards that half human, half brute 
existence to which they had been educated for genera- 
tions. The latter determined, in spite of circumstances, 
conditions and surroundings, to manfully maintain until 
successful in their efforts to evangelize them. 

We of to-day, hearing of some depredations on the 
part of their descendants, are wont all too readily to 
class them as a useless incumbrance, and to express a 
fervent desire for their summary extinction; yet who 
are we in face of all those horrors which comprise the 
greater portion of their history, that we should judge 
them thus hastily? True, much of the brutality exposed 
in the relation of such incidents pertain to wars among 
themselves, where the old tradition of "an eye for an 
eye" were fully and faithfully carried out. Yet like 
the gladiator of later days, they were faithfully trained 
to the calling, and by many cruel yet ingenious devices 
prepared to present that stoical front for which they 
were ever noted in moments of extraordinary pain or 
peril. And be it in all fairness said, they only meted out 
such tortures as they anticipated would be dealt to them 
under like conditions. Theirs was, in fact, a life of 
reprisal where animal ferocity and cunning contended 
for the mastery, and mental or moral restraint was un- 
known. Their oratory, too, betook of the nature of their 
surroundings, being clothed in a verbiage of radiant 
colorings. With them to express even the commonest 
kind of welcome was to tell of the songs of brooks and 
the smooth and placid surface of the streams which 
loved to bear the welcome burden of their hastening 
friends; the sunlight that kissed the footsteps of their 
tardy visitor or the rugged pathways made pleasant to 
his passing feet. It was ever a sublime picture of un- 
measured delight, delivered with a dignity and earnest- 
ness which forbade all question of its honest intent. Was 
this solely diplomacy, or was there after all within their 
inner nature a something of the human which could not, 
even amidst these depressing and degrading surround- 
ings be entirely eradicated? Undoubtedly the mission- 
aries believed such to be the case; else why such suffer- 
ing and labor, such devotion and martyrdom to the 

cause? They of all who spent the greater portion of 
their lives among these people were best able to judge. 
They watched the growth and progress of their work 
with an ever jealous eye, noticed with joy too fervid for 
utterance the kindling of the tiny flame of intelligence, 
the growing desire for knowledge, the yielding to con- 
viction, the acceptance of the Cross, and honest and con- 
sistent devotion, which afterwards denoted their mode 
of life through every phase of tribulation and disaster 
which followed. And you, reader, did you ever note the 
difference between the awakening intellect of childhood 
and the awful struggle of ignorant maturer minds to 
acquire the simplest understanding? Well, so it was 
with the Indians, or even worse when the missionaries 
ventured a reconstruction in their method of living and 
beliefs in which they had been grounded since time 

Every phase of degradation it had been possible for 
them to endure had been experienced by these people, 
and beneath them finally their stolidity had given way. 
An outer coating of reserve, as it were, had fallen apart, 
and exposed to human view what human feelings arc 
when Wrought to such a stage of desolation. Children 
of Nature, these savages had been wont to rove at large 
over a vast, almost limitless, territory, and had lived 
that free nomadic existence which was to them as second 
nature. They had enjoyed untrammeled the pleasures 
of the chase, and should one hunting-ground become 
sterile and unprofitable, had quickly left it for more 
favorable fields, where their desire for success found full 
and immediate satiation. Later they had gathered 
together the products of these excursions and preserved 
them, and as the cold and bitter months of winter came 
apace, they retired to their settlements or towns, and 
together enjoyed the results of their former labors. But 
now all of this was gone from them forever; a vicious 
foe had been amongst them and depleted their ranks, 
murdering their wives and children and desolating their 
homes past all recovery; and in addition to these evils 
they had been scourged by famine and disease, until at 
last, with not one particle of their former prestige, they 
cowered out a miserable existence of which even they 
were no longer entirely the masters. A few, we have 
seen, took the wiser course, and under the kindly guid- 
ance of the missionaries departed for Quebec, where 
they had met with a generous reception and found a safe 
abiding-place. But there were others, the larger portion, 
in fact, who refused all such proffers, and with these the 
conditions of life were as uncertain and impotent as 

Thus traversing throughout the region formerly 
occupied by this once great nation, we find little bands 


of Hurons scattered here and there, suffering the same Here they met with many difficulties, being forced oft- 
awful dread of the encroaching foe, and the pangs of times to draw their bark upon the land and carry it 
unsatisfied hunger, as they did within the safer, if not together with their baggage through the forests and 
more inviting limits of St. Joseph's Island. Theirs, in fact, over the uneven country for long distances before the 
had become the life of the meaner animals, whom either stream again became available for their use. Thus they 
fear or necessity drove from place to place, without toiled onward until on one occasion, while making a 
having any particular spot on earth which they could portage, they were set upon by a band of Iroquois, who 
denote or claim as their home. Nor was there any sign evidently had been for some time awaiting their coming, 
of change for the better, as the Iroquois, feeling their The Indian who was in advance carrying the canoe 
strength increase as day by day new victories were was at once captured, but as Father Buteux and the 
added to the large number already acquired, spread out Frenchman endeavored to make their escape, they were 
in search of other fields in which to renew the story of ruthlessly shot down, and their bodies, having been 
their former triumphs. stripped of all their clothing, were thrown into the tor- 

As an instance of this we may state that amidst the rent near by. 
heavy timber which covered a large portion of the coun- Of the numerous assaults upon the Hurons, and 

try lying far north of Three Rivers, there lived a tribe defeats sustained by them after the one which noted the 

called the Atticamegues or nation of the Whitefish. How glorious martyrdom of the convert Joseph Onohare, we 

long these people had dwelt in this vicinity, we are le: m that while causing much trouble to those who were 

unable at the present moment to state, but at any rate anxious for the spiritual progress of the country, there 

we are informed that the place was selected bv them on still remained some consolation in the fact that the 

account of its remoteness from the settlements of other friends and relatives of those who were slain not only 

tribes, and the extremely difficult nature of the country expressed regret at their material loss and suffering, 

intervening, which necessarily added greatly to their but a 'so f° r their spiritual condition. Their trust in God 

safety. Be that as it may, they were not too far distant, was sublime, and never once in all of these experiences 

neither was the journey too arduous or dangerous for were they known to question the wisdom of His ways, 

the Iroquois, who, making a journey of twenty days This, of course, had a salutary effect upon the uncon- 

north on the St. Lawrence, fell upon one of their en- verted, many of whom exhibited a sudden and astonish- 

campments, and butchered the entire party. These m S change. The condition and action of the Christian 

people, however, were brave, and so remained in that prisoners also had its effect upon the Iroquois, who were 

locality in spite of the fact of this unlooked for and most unconsciously influenced to a certain extent by them, 

ur.desirable invasion. Having concluded to remain, This is illustrated in the account given by Charlevoix, 

the Atticamegues at once sent an urgent message to of a blind Algonquin squaw who was their prisoner and 

their pastor, Father Buteux, desiring his presence among utterly incapable of rendering them any service, but 

them, a request hardly to be wondered at, seeing they whom they still allowed to live: 

were all consistent members of the Catholic faith. Father " A Christian well instructed in her religion, she had 

Buteux was at this time located at Three Rivers, but tne courage to assume among her conquerors the office 

upon receiving their message, and, although suffering of catechist; and God wrought many conversions by her 

from serious bodily ailment, he at once set forth, cover- ministry. Some of these excited great attention and exas- 

ing the entire distance across the frozen wilderness on perated the Sachems of the village against her. She was 

snow shoes. This journey he repeated in the following not insensible to the danger to which her zeal exposed 

year, taking with him a number of the tribe as well as ner > but nothing could diminish its fervor. She was 

several Frenchmen. seriously warned to be cautious in her proceedings; 

On this occasion, however, they were less fortunate. threats were made against her, and she had every 

Finding game extremely scarce, they were compelled rea son to fear their being carried into effect. Nothing, 

to divide the party, a Frenchman named Fontarabie however, deterred her; and God, whom she served with 

and a Huron convert accompanying the Missionary. At so much courage, continued to protect her in a manner 

the time they set forth the season was quite well ad- incomprehensible to those who, able to crush her by a 

vanced, and the streams which the melting sun had word, never dared to attempt her life or cause her the 

enlarged to a considerable extent were all open, so that least uneasiness." 

the three travelers at once embarked in a small canoe. But here a new and most alarming difficulty arose, 

and began to work their way up one of the turbulent which may be said to have originated among a number 

streams which intersect that portion of the country, of the Christians who frequented Tadoussac; its cause, 


however, and the shame and misery which it involved, 
rested solely upon the shoulders of Europeans, whose 
sordid avarice knew no bounds even when the soul of a 
fellow-creature lay in the balance. This refers particu- 
larly to the brandy trade, which liquor was introduced 
into the colony at this time. Of its effects upon the 
Indians it is needless to speak, their tendency to the 
excessive use of liquor being too well known even at the 
present time. Naturally the wiser and better disposed 
among the leaders in the colony zealously opposed the 
triffic in liquor; but, unfortunately, they were powerless 
in their effort to suppress the evil. At last, so apparent 
and great did the evil become, that a number of chiefs 
besought the Governor-General of Quebec to build a 
prison in which to confine those under the influence of 
liquor, expressing the belief that their example would 
have a lasting effect upon the other members of the 
settlement. Fortunately all of the settlements were not 
afflicted to a similar extent, or the result might have 

been still more disastrous. Such was the case noticeably 
at Three Rivers, where under the administration of its 
zealous Governor, Mr. Duplessis Bochart, matters were 
conducted in an admirable manner. While affairs were 
in this condition, a change was made in the govern- 
mental affairs at Quebec, which it was hoped would have 
some beneficial effect upon the colony. It was toward 
the close of the year 1650 that the Governor, Mr. d'Aille- 
boust, having completed his three years of service, was 
succeeded in that position by Mr. de Lauson, a man 
who had perhaps not only exhibited more interest than 
any other member in the affairs of the Company, but 
who, it will be remembered, was chiefly instrumental in 
effecting the restoration of Quebec to the French by the 
English. Of him, his administration and the general 
condition and progress of the colony, we shall endeavor 
to treat in a more extended manner in the chapter which 


Che Trench in Canada-continued. 


De Lauson becomes Governor of Quebec— He returns to France in 1G56 
and is made Sub-Dean of the King's Council.— Sad Condition of the 
Colony. — Continued Aggressiveness of the Iroquois.— They approach 
Three Rivers.— Fight between a War Party of Iroquois and French 
Soldiers.— Death of Governor Du Plessis Bochart.— Danger of Sylleri.— 
Trouble at Montreal.— Governor de Maissonneuve makes a Journey to 
France in Behalf of that Colony.— He returns with an Additional 
Force of One Hundred Settlers.— Margaret Bourgeois and what she 
accomplished in New France.— Foundation of the Congregation of Our 
Lady.— The French take Extra Precautions and increase their Forti- 
fications.— The Onondagas send a Delegation to Three Rivers to 
arrange for Peace.— Reply of de Maissonneuve and Return of the 
Deputation to their Canton with his Message.— De Maissonneuve 
receives Warning of the Approach of a large War Party of 
Mohawks.— He notifies de Lauson. — Huron Scouts destroy a Body of 
Mohawks and capture their Chief.— Mohawk Descent upon Quebec— 
Capture of Father Poncet and a Number of Hurons.— Release of 
Father Poncet and his Return to Quebec and France.— Father 
le Moyne goes to Onondaga to ratify the Peace.— Etienne Annaotaha 
the Huron. — He receives a Deputation of Iroquois and treats them 
to a Surprise.— The Huron Settlement at Quebec and Life of the 
People there.— Descent of the Iroquois upon the Settlement and 
Capture of a Number of Hurons.— Trade between the French Post 
and Upper Cantons.— Jealousy of the Mohawks. — Murder of a Jesuit 
Lay Brother.— Huron Settlement removes near to Quebec— lTiey 
again move to Notre Dame Ste. Foi.— They move to Old Dorette.— 
Father Chaumonot and his Vow. — The Bravery of an Algonquin 
Squaw and its Effect upon the Mohawks.— Fathers Chaumonot and 
Dablon leave Quebec for Onondaga.— Their Reception at that Place.— 
Treacherous Policy adopted by the Iroquois.— The Neuters and Mas- 
coutins. — Trouble between the Senecas and Eries.— A Great Battle.— 
Destruction of the Erie Nation. — Fifty French Colonists start for 
Onondaga.— Removal of the Ottawas to Saginaw Bay.— Last of the 
Neuter Towns.— liurder of Father Garreau by a French Renegade.— 
His Death at Montreal.— Father Dreuillettes and Brother le Boesme 
return to Quebec— Arrival of the French under the Dupuys at Thr03 
Rivers and Montreal.— A Huron Prisoner reaches their Camp.— They 
arrive in the Country of the Onondagas.— Their Reception there.— 
Work of the Missionaries among the Iroquois.— Removal of Hurons 
from Isle Orleans to Quebec— Their Treachery and Secret Message to 
the Mohawks.— The Mohawk Ambassadors.— Their Insolence to the 
Governor.— De Lauson's Forbearance.— Speech of the Bear Chief.— A 
Message to the Hurons from Onondaga.— Their Reply.— Mohawk 
Aggressions continued.— A Powerful Enemy.— Mohawk Losses at the 
Hands of the Andastes.— Final Defeat of the Andastes by the 
Senecas.— Result of their Victories upon the Iroquois.— Failure of the 
French Mission. 

-y^^V 'E LAUSON, who had now become Governor 
■\ of Quebec, was, as noted in the previous 
chapter, one of the leading men in the Cana- 
dian Company, and, besides, a member of the 
Council of State. Years prior to his elevation to guber- 
natorial honors, he had been made Intendant of New 
France (1627), and a little later sent by Louis XIII. to 
England, to make arrangements for the restitution of 

Quebec, after its capture by Kertk. Of his subsequent 
life it may be said that he received his appointment as 
Governor of Quebec on January 17, 1651, arriving at 
his destination and assuming the duties as such on 
October 13 of the same year. This position he main- 
tained, owing to his reappointment at the expiration of 
his first term, until 1656, when he returned to France 
and became sub-dean of the King's Council and resided 
in the Cloister of Notre Dame with one of his sons, a 
canon there. Here, we believe, he remained until the 
time of his death, which occurred at Paris, February 16, 

As previously intimated, he had taken an unusual 
amount of interest in the affairs of New France from his 
very earliest connections with that country, so that he 
felt both shocked and mortified' at the condition of 
affairs which he found upon his arrival there. The coun- 
try was even in a more deplorable condition than had 
been represented to him, not owing to any exaggeration 
on the part of Father Lalemant, but from natural retro- 
gression, which like an overpowering epidemic seemed 
to sweep all before it with remorseless fury. The con- 
dition of Indian affairs had grown, if possible, more 
pronounced, for emboldened by their continued victo- 
ries over the other tribes, the Iroquois began to doubt 
the potency of French valor and defenses when pitted 
against their own formidable legions. So they covered 
the land with bands of predatory rovers, whose restless 
maneuvers and bloodthirsty designs made comfort 
impossible, and living a dread uncertainty. And they 
lost none of their boastful ardor by an event which, 
occurring about this time, threw the entire colony into 
a state of gloomy despair. It seems that one of these 
parties of roving warriors came to the vicinity of Three 
Rivers, where they made such an insolent and offensive 
front that the Governor, Du Plessis Bochart, decided to 
march out against them. So valiantly he set forth at 
the head of a number of men, scorning the possibility 
of danger, or at least the idea that he should remain a 
passive spectator while others ventured so much. Vainly, 
therefore, did his friends and associates urge upon him 
the undesirability and culpable foolishness of risking his 
life — so valuable to the settlement— against a foe whose 
greatest strength lay in their ability to surprise and a 



natural knowledge of woodcraft, which enabled them to 
follow up a daring rush or onslaught with a sure and 
safe retreat. He would none of it, but insisted in tak- 
ing the field actively, and so went forth to his death. In 
this engagement the opposing forces were composed 
largely of Oneidas, there being only a few Mohawks in 
the party- Besides the Governor, one soldier was killed 
while twelve were taken prisoners. Bochart, whose loss 
"was keenly felt and sincerely mourned, had been in the 
employ of the Government of France for over twenty 
years, during which period he had held a number of 
important offices. His wife was Etiennette des Pres. 

Thus the imperiled country continued in a state of 
embarrassment and turmoil, the Iroquois with persistent 
activity pursuing their course of uncompromising ven- 
geance against the French as well as their Indian allies. 
In this awful predicament the few remaining of that 
section of the Hurons who had refused to avail them- 
selves of the refuge offered them at Quebec, were in 
their extremity driven from place to place, seeking 
uncertain safety in the wilds and fastnesses of the far 
North, or obtaining momentary relief among friendly 
nations, who in affording the sanctuary requested 
brought down the vengeance of the Iroquois upon them- 
selves. Naturally enough in keeping up such an active 
and extended warfare, the ranks of the Iroquois were 
considerably reduced, but that difficulty was easily reme- 
died, the places of those slain in battle or lost in other 
ways being more than refilled by the large number of 
prisoners who, recognizing the utter hopelessness of 
their cause, swore allegiance to the Five Nations, to the 
forces of one of which they became attached. 

Thus the depredations continued with unabated 
vigor until at last the settlement at Sylleri became unsafe. 
So the palisades, formerly deemed all-sufficient as a 
means of defense, were abandoned, and walls were built 
around the place along which at every point of vantage 
pieces of ordnance were mounted. Still, in spite of the 
utmost precaution and use of every available artifice to 
delay and impede their advances, the Iroquois kept up 
their march of devastation, even penetrating into the 
region of Lake Kisakami, which the Relation of 1651 
informs us was difficult of discovery and almost impossi- 
ble to reach. In fact, the only country which these ven- 
turesome and ferocious people had thus far failed to 
invade was that occupied by the Abenaqui nations, the 
people of which had as a whole shown much interest in 
religious affairs since the advent of Father Dreuillettes 
among them in the early autumn of 1650. 

Another of the settlements which at this time suf- 
fered severely at the hands of the Iroquois was that of 
Montreal, whose necessities became so palpably urgent 
that the Governor, Mr. de Maisonneuve, was compelled 

to make a journey to France in order that he might by 
personal application secure that relief which his nurher- 
ous and urgent communications had failed to bring. In 
this, fortunately, he was in a measure successful, return- 
ing to the Colony in 1653 with an additional force of 
one hundred settlers. Among the number accompany- 
ing him was one Margaret Bourgeois, a native of 
Langres, whose eminent virtue and piety worked great 
good among the colonists. In his brief mention of this 
lady, Charlevoix states that she came in the first instance 
as housekeeper to the Governor. This, however, Faillon 
denies, for while admitting that she did act in that 
capacity for a period of four years, he insists that her 
original motive in coming was to teach. She was born, 
we are told, at Troyes, in Champagne, on April 17, 1620, 
her father being Abraham Bourgeois, a shopkeeper, 
while her mother's maiden name was Gernier. From 
earliest youth her inclinations had been towards the life 
of a religious, one of her first efforts (unfortunately it 
failed of accomplishment) being to organize a congre- 
gation of Sisters in the house of Madame de Chuly, sis- 
ter of Madame de Chomedey, to whose home she retired 
after the death of her father. It was while there, and 
still in an uncertain mind as to the future course she 
had better pursue, that de Maisonneuve arrived in 
France, and hearing of her many virtues and the pecu- 
liar position in which she was placed, proffered the 
opportunity for the use and exertion of her accomplish- 
ments in the New World. So she decided to take up 
this life of usefulness thus providentially brought to her 
notice, and, together with the Governor and others of 
the party, left her native land on June 20, 1653, embark- 
ing on the sailing vessel St. Nicholas, of Nantes, which 
was in command of Captain Peter de Besson. After an 
eventful voyage, they finally arrived at Quebec on Sep- 
tember 22. After a brief visit there, she proceeded to 
Montreal, where for four years following she acted in 
the capacity of housekeeper to the Governor. On 
November 25, 1657, however, she engaged in her actual 
vocation as a teacher, opening up a school in a stable 
building at Montreal on that date. Two years later, 
with other ladies whom she had induced to join her in 
France, she founded the Congregation of Our Lady, 
which was recognized in 1669, and properly and officially 
established in 1676. From this time on the good work 
continued, yielding a generous return under her able 
and judicious management until the time of her death, 
which occurred on January 12, 1700. 

It was not long after the return of de Maisonneuve 
to Montreal, in 1653, that one of those remarkable inci- 
dents 1 occurred which was regarded by the entire Col- 

Another account of this most extraordinary occurrence refers 
> the action of October 14. 1632, on which occasion M. de Musseaux, 
Dr of Montreal, sent out Major Lambert Closse, with a scouting 


ony as an evidence of the unquestionable protection of 
the Mother of God. This is told by Charlevoix as fol- 
lows: "Twenty-six men were surprised and surrounded 
by two hundred Iroquois, who fired several volleys at 
them without wounding a man, while not one of the 
shots from those attacked failed to tell. The astonish- 
ment of the Indians was extreme. They did not think 
it wise to give the French time to load again, but fled in 
all haste." 

As an additional caution against surprises during 
these troublesome and dangerous times, the Governor 
took active measures to prevent the recurrence of such a 
surprise as that just experienced, by strengthening the 
outworks and keeping an extra and vigilant guard. 
While accomplishing some of these preparatory meas- 
ures, a numerous body of Onondagas came in sight of 
the fort, where the main party halted, while a small 
detachment advanced towards the outworks, signaling 
as if it were their desire to hold a conference. The num- 
ber of this party being limited to very few, they were 
admitted into the fort and to the presence of the Gov- 
ernor, to whom they made known the desire of their 
canton to arrange for a peaceful understanding, if the 
French were so disposed. The proposition as usual in 
such cases was accompanied by a number of handsome 
presents, which were accepted by Governor de Maison- 
neuve, who was anxious to advance any understanding 
of a pacificatory nature; at the same time he announced 
to the emissaries the desire of the French nation at 
all times for peaceful relations with the tribes, who, had 
they been anxious to do so, must have noticed the 
endeavor to carry out all proposed alliances of this coun- 
try to the letter, and the entire freedom of any action on 
the part of the French from that perfidy and condition 
of unreliableness which had so often led the Indians to 
abuse the confidence placed in their words. He further 
called their attention to the fact that he would be con- 
sidered justified by all civilized governments were he 
even now to treat them as enemies in retaliation for the 
many breaches of confidence on their part and evils 
which they had wrought upon the French and their 
allies under the guise of friendship. This, however, he 
told them he scorned to do from the fact that he was a 
Christian, and as such was guided in his actions by prin- 
ciples entirely different from those upon which the 
Indians were wont to act. To this and much else that 

party of twenty-four. Three in the van were suddenly fired upon, and 
one killed. Another escaped to a wretched house, in which the rest of 
the party also took refuse with a colonist. Hero they held out, doing terri- 
s nearly exhausted. 

til their 

made his way to the fort, and brought 

loaded with 

Then Baston, a bra 1 

up a reinforcement of ton men, with two'small 

grape. By the help of these, he reached Closso safely. When the 

had sustained a few more deadly volleys, they fled, having out of two 

hundred lost twenty killed and fifty wounded. 

In the Histoire du Canada. Mother Juchereau also gives an account 
of a gallant action of Major Closse. who at the head of twenty rescued 

he said upon the subject, they listened with much earnest- 
ness, and in reply assured him that the French would 
soon be given additional proof of their sincerity in 
requesting a final settlement of their difficulties and 
friendly understanding. 

They then returned to the main body of the part}-, 
who were awaiting them, with whom they departed for 
their canton to lay the matter before the Sachems and 
principal advisers of the tribe. On the way thither they 
passed through the settlement of the Oneidas, remain- 
ing with them long enough to induce the chiefs of that 
nation to join with them in the proposed understanding 
with the French; in this movement they were also joined 
by the Cayugas, who not only heartily agreed with the 
proposition, but sent a delegation in the name of the 
tribe to Montreal with suitable presents and also to warn 
the Governor that a body of five hundred Mohawks 
were then on the warpath, their purpose being the 
destruction of the settlement at Three Rivers, for which 
point they were headed. Of this news de Maisonneuve 
took immediate advantage, sending a messenger at once 
to warn de Lauson of the approaching danger. 

Upon learning of the proposed attack Mr. de Lauson 
immediately proceeded to arrange for a vigorous 
defense, arming all of the available Hurons in and about 
the settlement and assembling them in a body so as to 
be ready at a moment's notice to repel the advances of 
the foe. This proved to be a most wise and judicious 
act on his part, for had there been any hesitancy or 
delay in making these arrangements, the Mohawks, who 
were rapidly approaching the settlements, would have 
undoubtedly caught them, as often previously, entirely 
unprepared, and consequently easy to overcome. As it 
w r as, however, a body of well-armed Hurons who were 
making a preliminary scout came upon a considerable 
party of Mohawks and immediately attacked them in 
such a resolute and determined manner that they not 
only killed a large number, but succeeded in capturing 
the chief and several of the principal warriors of the 
detachment, and put the rest to flight 1 . 

In the meantime, however, a body of Iroquois had 
marched upon Quebec, about which place they hovered 
during a greater portion of the summer, committing 
many depredations and keeping the settlers in a con- 
stant state of alarm. During this period many of the 
unwary who were foolhardy enough to venture without 
the immediate protection of the fort, fell victims to their 
own temerity, and were either murdered in cold blood 
or made prisoners and preserved for a still more terrible 
fate. Among the number thus falling into the hands of 
the enemy was Father Poncet, uncle of the former 

(1) In his notes concerning this particular incident, the historian 
Shea expresses as his belief that this victory of the- Unions was one 
which occurred at Montreal on August 15, 1653. 


Bishop of Usez, who was a native of Paris and had 
acquired his education for the priesthood at Rome. 
Father Poncet was a zealous worker, in behalf of the 
Church, and it was owing entirely to his endeavors that 
Mother Mary of the Incarnation came to Canada. Pie 
arrived in that country on August i, 1639, and for a 
considerable period subsequently labored in the coun- 
try of the Hurons at Montreal, and particularly at Que- 
bec. He was captured by the Iroquois on August 20, 
1653, at a point above Sylleri, where he was endeavoring 
to assist a poor widow in gathering her little harvest. 
He was a man whose great zealousness and many vir- 
tues endeared him to the people of the Colony, and no 
sooner was it noised around that he had fallen into the 
hands of the enemy, than a considerable body of the 
French and a large number of Indians started out with 
the determination of rescuing him or falling in the 

The journey was one of extreme danger, the ene- 
mies being in large force and strongly fortified all along 
the route which they were compelled to follow; knowing 
this, they were also> hindered in their pursuit owing to 
the fact that it was deemed necessary for them to stop 
over at Three Rivers for a while in order to reinforce 
the insufficient garrison of that place. In the meantime 
the Missionary was being hurried forward towards the 
Mohawk settlement, being treated in a manner much 
similar to that observed towards many of his predeces- 
sors. But in spite of the numerous tortures to which 
he was subjected, his life was spared, and he still lived 
in hope that his friends had not forsaken him and would 
arrive in time to secure his release. In the meantime 
his companion in tribulation, a young Frenchman, was 
executed; but while Poncet's life still hung in the bal- 
ance, an Iroquois brave arrived from Three Rivers and 
notified the party that their nation was on the point of 
concluding peace arrangements with the French, and 
that one of the stipulations made by Ononthio in con- 
sidering the matter, was that the Reverend Missionary 
should be immediately liberated. No sooner did this 
become known than the attitude of the Indians towards 
him became entirely changed; they immediately took 
him to Fort Orange, treated him with the titmost 
respect, provided him with suitable and necessary cloth- 
ing, and when homeward bound led him through sev- 
eral towns of the nation, at each one of which he met 
with the utmost kindness and respect. 

The last of these settlements he left on October 15, 
1653, starting from that point with a delegation of the 
Iroquois, who bore with them a large number of valu- 
able presents for the Governor-General and Superior of 
the missions. But even now their troubles were far from 
over, for they had proceeded but a short distance on 


their journey when they received intelligence that some 
of the hostages who had been placed in the hands of the 
French had been put in irons, while others had been 
slain. Fortunately the chief of the embassy in whose 
charge Father Poncet had been placed was somewhat 
doubtful as to the truth of these rumors, and believing 
in the Missionary and accepting his word, proceeded 
without hesitation with him towards the settlement, 
where they arrived without further interference. Upon 
investigation it proved, as anticipated, that the charges 
made were without the slightest foundation, the truth of 
the matter being that an Algonquin under the influence 
of liquor had been imprisoned for an offense, but that 
the Iroquois, far from having been molested, had 
received the kindest attention. 

Of the further life and experience of this enterpris- 
ing and zealous priest we learn that he again became 
pastor at Quebec, remaining as such until 1657, when 
the Abbe de Ingeylus, assuming jurisdiction, deprived 
him. He next went to Onondaga, but was soon after 
recalled and returned to France on September 18 of the 
same year. Arriving in his native country, he contin- 
ued his labors in Brittany and was French plenipoten- 
tiary at Loretto, and after several subsequent years of 
active and useful mission life in the West Indies died at 
Martinique on June 18, 1675, at the age of sixty-five 

Once again under the all-sufficing benison of peace, 
and in spite of many lessons learned through the treach- 
ery and unreliability of the Iroquois, the people of Can- 
ada took on a condition of hopefulness, seeming without 
hesitancy to accept the protestations of this treacherous 
nation as truthful and sincere, and believing that the 
time had at last arrived when their dangers and difficul- 
ties were all at an end. That there was some reason for 
this attitude on their part must be acknowledged, for the 
five cantons of that nation had come forward individually 
for the purpose of effecting this change of condition and 
relations, which to the French at least was most neces- 
sary. It was some time during the first half of the fol- 
lowing year that Father le Moyne went to Onondaga to 
ratify this treaty in the name of the Governor-General of 
Quebec; this purpose he accomplished with much suc- 
cess, and to the general satisfaction of all parties con- 
cerned. He even went further, and as still stronger evi- 
dence of his faith and confidence in their good inten- 
tions, then and there stated that it was his desire to 
come and locate among them, which offer so pleased 
them that a spot for the site of his dwelling was immedi- 
ately picked out and set aside for that purpose. He was 
then escorted through the several towns or cantons, at 
each of which he was received with the utmost favor, 
the people absolutely loading him down with presents 


which were sent in behalf of the chiefs and Sachems of this and perchance wondering that Christianized nations 

the tribes to the Governor at Quebec. He also took should still adhere to such means, it is safe to say that 

advantage of this occasion to talk of the spiritual con- it afforded to them the only possible chance of retali- 

dition to the Indians, and even succeeded in gaining the ating to a certain extent in this contest, which, beginning 

confidence of a number to such an extent that they as a fight for supremacy, ended in a war of extermina- 

sought for and obtained baptism at his hands. tion. Illustrative of this sad necessity in which instance 

Strange as it may seem, with all of these friendly the Hurons were the aggressors, may be given the fol- 

understandings now existing there was still an ordeal lowing incident, which we take from among a number of 

for him to pass through on his way homeward which similar circumstances given in his interesting account 

came near costing him his life; and but for the almost of those times by the historian Parkman: 

extraordinary faith he had in a majority of these people, "When Ragueneau and his party left Isle St. Joseph 

his evident desire to say or do nothing which would mar for Quebec, the greater number of the Hurons chose to 

or injure the friendly compact already made, and conse- remain. They took possession of the stone fort which 

quently his absolute silence regarding what occurred, the French had abandoned, and where, with reasonable 

the peace negotiations might then and there been sum- vigilance, they could maintain themselves against attack, 

marily broken. It seems that while on his passage In the succeeding autumn a small Iroquois war party 

downward, being in a canoe with two Onondagas, and had the audacity to cross over to the island and build a 

followed by a number of Hurons and Algonquins, he fort of felled trees in the woods. The Hurons attacked 

was suddenly surrounded by a number of canoes full of them; but the invaders made so fierce a defense that 

Mohawks, who without word or seeming reason poured they kept their assailants at bay and at length retreated 

a volley into their midst. So deadly in fact was their with little or no loss. Soon after a much larger band of 

aim that all of the Hurons and Algonquins as well as one Onondaga Iroquois, approaching undiscovered, built a 

of the Onondagas were killed at the first fire, while fort on the mainland, opposite the island, but concealed 

Father le Moyne again found himself a prisoner, help- from sight in the forest. Here they waited to waylay 

less and bound. His surviving companion, the remain- any party of Hurons who might venture ashore. A 

ing Onondaga, was notified by this party that he could Huron war chief named Etienne Annaotaha, whose life 

return home, but true, to his mission, he refused to go, is described as a succession of conflicts and adventures, 

stating that the Missionary had been confided to his care and who is said to have been always in luck, landed with 

by the elders of his Church, and that he would under a few companions and fell into an ambuscade of the Iro- 

no circumstances leave him to their mercy. Futhermore, quois. He prepared to defend himself when they called 

he chided them with their brutality and want of probity, out to him that they came, not as enemies, but as friends, 

and threatened them with fearful retaliation on the part and that they brought wampum belts and presents to 

of the Iroquois if they should learn of their perfidy, persuade the Hurons to forget the past, go back with 

This assertion of his they were at first given to receiving them to their country, become their adopted country- 

with derision, but when they found that he was stead- men, and live with them as one nation. Etienne sus- 

fast in his position, and undeterred by their numbers or pected treachery, but concealed his distrust and 

fear of the manner in which he might be treated, they advanced towards the Iroquois with an air of the utmost 

compromised by releasing the Missionary, and turning confidence. They received him with open arms, and 

him over to the Onondaga, who immediately, faithful pressed him to accept their invitation; but he replied 

to his compact, took him onward to Montreal 1 . that there were older and wiser men among the Hurons, 

Treachery has never been regarded as an admirable whose counsel all the people followed, and that they 

trait by Christian nations, yet it must be admitted that ought to lay the proposal before them. He proceeded 

in a war of reprisal such as that which was being car- to advise them to keep him as a hostage, and send over 

ried on with such brief periods of cessation among the his companions with some of their chiefs to open a 

Indians of Canada for a number of years, it as a matter negotiation. His apparent frankness completely deceived 

of fact became an almost absolute necessity. Deploring them ; and they insisted that he himself should go to the 

disposition on the part of some writers to Huron village while his companions remained as hos- 

!t a l sXeiue^Xd'whiie'ihe'Mi^fonSy ta £ es - He sct ° ut accordingly with three of the principal 

journeying from Quebec to Montreal, and not, as stated during his T,-™,,,-^ 

n from his conference with the Onondagas. However this must iroqUOlS. 

5 ' as hue CReia- "When he reached the village he gave the whoop of 

this incident made by Mother Mary one who brings good tidings and proclaimed with a loud 

of the Incarnation says that the ''-omln.-t nf the Mohawks" was disavowal 

by their canton, who threw the blame on a Hollander I.,,,, ,,f a \i,,i,awk voice that the hearts of their enemies had changed, that 

mother to whom we have referred in a former chapter as the Flemish ., T . ... , . , , ., 

Bastard. U| . the Iroquois would become their countrymen and broth- 



ers, and that they should exchange their miseries for a 
life of peace and plenty in a fertile and prosperous land. 
The whole Huron population, full of joyful excitement, 
crowded around him and the three envoys, who were 
conducted to the principal lodge and feasted on the best 
that the village could supply. Etienne seized the oppor- 
tunity to take aside four or five of the principal chiefs 
and secretly tell them his suspicions, that the Iroquois 
were plotting to compass their destruction under cover 
of overtures of peace, and he proposed that they should 
meet treachery with treachery. He then explained his 
plan, which was highly approved by his auditors, who 
begged him to charge himself with the execution of it. 
Etienne now caused criers to proclaim through the vil- 
lage that every one should get ready to emigrate in a 
few days to the country of their new friends. The squaws 
began their preparations at once, and all was bustle and 
alacrity; for the Hurons themselves were no less 
deceived than were the Iroquois envoys. 

"During one or two succeeding days many messages 
and visits passed between the Hurons and the Iroquois, 
whose confidence was such that thirty-seven of the best 
warriors at length came over in a body to the Huron 
village. Etienne's time had come. He and the chiefs 
who were in the secret gave the word to the Huron war- 
riors, who at a signal raised the war-whoop, rushed upon 
their visitors and cut them to pieces. One of them who 
lingered for a time owned before he died that Etienne's 
suspicions were just, and that they had designed nothing 
else than the massacre or capture of all the Hurons, 
Three of the Iroquois immediately before the slaughter 
began had received from Etienne a warning of their 
danger in time to make their escape. A year before, he 
had been captured, with Brebeuf and Lalemant, at the 
town of St. Louis, and had owed his life to these three 
warriors, to whom he now paid back the debt of grati- 
tude. They carried tidings of what had befallen to their 
countrymen on the mainland, who, aghast at the catas- 
trophe, fled homeward in a panic." 

From time to time the Huron contingent which had 
passed down with the missionaries from St. Joseph's 
Island to Quebec, had been strengthened by parties of 
varying numbers, who, having tested to their satisfac- 
tion the impracticability of any effort on their part to 
sustain the unequal conflict between their nation and 
the Iroquois, had at length concluded to accept the prof- 
fered protection of the French and place themselves 
under their direction. At the time, therefore, when 
Father Poncet returned from his mission among the 
Onondagas, there were in the neighborhood of six hun- 
dred Hurons dwelling in the settlement prepared for 
them, which was on land belonging to the Jesuit Fathers 
near to the southwestern extremity of the island of 


Orleans, which lay immediately below Quebec. At this 
particular town the missionaries had built a fort similar 
in most respects to that which had been erected on St. 
Joseph's Island, in connection with which was a chapel, 
a small residence for the missionaries, and a number of 
rude bark dwellings which were clustered around the pro- 
tecting ramparts of the fort 1 . 

Here, then, in this protected spot the Indians were 
encouraged in the art of self-support, for which purpose 
the necessary implements and seeds were furnished to 
them, so that they might till the soil and raise at least 
a portion of the food necessary for their sustenance, and 
in so doing relieved the settlers of the necessity to pro- 
vide entirely for them. As far as their religious duties 
were concerned, they remained fervent and consistent 
as ever; and under the more refining influences of their 
present location, the direct and more frequent inter- 
course with a civilized community, and removed from 
the constant fear and dread of a lurking and ferocious 
foe, they imbibed some of those mental qualifications 
which had become necessary factors in a work of mental 
and moral progress. They in fact became resigned to 
these new conditions, and in so doing were more tract- 
able and subservient to the influences of the missionary 

Nor, as may be supposed, were these happy evi- 
dences of increasing enlightenment allowed to pass 
without many warm encomiums on the part of the mis- 
sionaries, who in every way possible demonstrated to 
these people their pleasure and gratification at the course 
they were pursuing. And it should cause but little won- 
der, for they were regarded as the flower of the flock, 
and representatives of the most advanced Christian ideas 
among the aborigines, for whose benefit, education and 
introduction to more spiritual things the missionaries 
had given so much in ardent labor and martvred lives. 

The Indians then became more active in their demon- 
strations of piety, and some of them, the more energetic 
and fervent, went so far as to form two sodalities, 
one each for the men and women, which resulted in much 
good to the cause of religion. Thus for nearly two long 
and happy years the work of civilization and moral 
progress went forward, and even to these people, who 
had lost and suffered so much, the horrors of their past 
lives began to appear as a long passed memory from 
which much of the bitterness had been taken away. But 
unfortunately for both the desires and designs of the 
Jesuit Fathers, the spirit of unleaven and disquiet existed 
among the savages as heretofore; the fire had been 

(1) Prom fin wen's historical sketch of the Isle of Orleans, we learn 
that the site of the fort was the estate now known as "La Terre du 
Fort," near the landing of the steam ferry- In 1856 Mr. N. H. Bowen, a 
resident near the spot, in making some excavations found a solid stone 
wall five feet thick, which there can be little doubt was that of the 
work in question. This wall was originally crowned with palisades. 


momentarily subdued, but not quenched, and while not 
visible to the naked eye, the embers of a deadly and 
undying hatred still slumbered in the breasts of the 
nations for one another. 

Suddenly 1 , then, without cause or warning, while fol- 
lowing the peaceful pursuits which they had learned even 
to enjoy, a party of the Iroquois swooped down upon 
the Hurons and carried off a large number of captives. 
It was a daring effort successfully carried out under the 
very guns of the fort at Quebec, the safe retreat of the 
invaders being assured from the fact that the French 
were unable to fire, knowing that by so doing they would 
jeopardize the life of every missionary then located 
throughout the cantons of the Iroquois nation. 

But the peace relations between the French and 

by two musket balls, was found near Sylleri, with the 
scalpless and severed head lying near by. These con- 
tinued assaults and the great unsafely and danger 
experienced by the Christian settlement below Quebec 
necessitated immediate action on the part of the mis- 
sionaries and the government of the colony for 
their protection. Their numbers being somewhat 
increased by others who in fear of their lives 
had come down to join them, they were removed 
to Quebec and lodged in an inclosure of pali- 
sades close under the protecting guns of the fort. 
"For ten years following this removal," Parkman tells 
us, "they remained located at this point, but at the end 
of that period and after the danger of the times had 
again somewhat diminished they once more removed to 

Upper Iroquois remained unchanged, and therefore a place called Notre Dame de Foy 3 , now Ste. Foi, which 
resulted disastrously to Mohawk interests, trade being is three or four miles west of Quebec." Here they 
opened up almost immediately between the French posts remained for six years, at the end of which time, the soil 
and the Upper Cantons. Here, then, was a cause of having become greatly impoverished and the wood sup- 
continual vexation and displeasure to the Mohawks, who plies within a considerable radius entirely exhausted, 
not only recognized the loss incurred by them and the they made another change, taking up their abode this 
benefits accruing to the other branches of the confed- time some nine miles from Quebec, at a place called Old 
eration, but in addition realized the great value which it Lorette 4 , upon land which was owned by the Jesuit 
was proving to the French allies, whose material Community. While touching upon this subject, it may 

progress and advancement, at least, they had not bar- 
gained for in their numerous conferences and arrange- 
ments with the French. 

Being creatures of impulse and almost entirely with- 
out those powers of deliberate reasoning which ever 
betokened the actions of civilized nations whose sense 
of justice and the proprieties have caused them to formu- 
late a code of laws and method of arbitration for mu- 
tual protection, they acted upon the strength of momen- 
tary impressions, which consequently made any pledges 
on their part of but little value. It is hardly to be 
regarded as surprising, then, that, realizing the loss in 

be interesting to note that Chaumonot, who at the time 
of this last removal was the missionary in attendance, 
had years before professed special devotion to our Lady 
of Loretto, who in his boyhood had cured him, as he 
believed, of a distressing, if not incurable, malady. The 
story of this incident is given to us by Parkman as fol- 
lows: "Joseph Marie Chaumonot was of humble origin, 
his father being a vine-dresser and his mother the 
daughter of a poor village schoolmaster. At an early 
age, they sent him to Chatillon on the Seine, where he 
lived with his uncle, a priest, who taught him to speak 
Latin and awakened his religious susceptibilities, which 

traffic to them and benefits accruing to those whom they were naturally strong. This did not prevent him from 

least desired to serve, the Mohawks with their cus- 
tomary impetuosity and utter disregard for probity 
should without warning seek to regain their power of 
commercial supremacy by once more throwing the coun- 
try into a state of rapine, bloodshed and disaster. 

Their descent upon Quebec was quickly followed by 
numerous depreciations and atrocities, among which was 
the murder of a Jesuit lay brother 2 , whose body, pierced 

vith the Dutch, 

yielding to the persuasions of one of his companions to 
run off to Beaune, a town of Burgundy, where the fugi- 
tives proposed to study music under the Fathers of the 
Oratory. To provide funds for the journey, he stole a 
sum of money of about the value of one dollar from his 
uncle, the priest. This act, which seems to have been a 
mere peccadillo of boyish levity, determined his future 
career. Finding himself in total destitution at Beaune, 
he wrote to his mother for money, and received in reply 
an order from his father to come home. Stung with the 
thought of being posted as a thief in his native village, 
he resolved not to do so, but to set out forthwith on a pil- 

ot the 


grimage to Rome; and, accordingly, tattered and penni- flowing with devotion to this celestial mistress of his 

less, he took the road for the sacred city. Soon a con- heart, conceived the idea of building in Canada a chapel 

flict began within him, between his misery and the pride to her honor after the exact model of the Holy House of 

which forbade him to beg. The pride was forced to sue- Loretto. 

cumb; lie begged from door to door; slept under sheds At about the time of leaving with his Indians for 

by the wayside or in haystacks; and now and then found their new home, the Missionary spoke of his desire and 

lodging and a meal at a convent. Thus, sometimes talked over his plans for the erection of this building 

alone, sometimes with vagabonds whom he met on the with his brother priests, all of whom were much pleased 

road, he made his way through Savoy and Lombardy in with the suggestion. Work on the building was immedi- 

a pitiable condition of destitution, filth and disease, ately begun, the same being constructed of brick and as 

At length he reached Ancona, when the thought an exact counterpart of the original. It stood in the 

occurred to him of visiting the Holy House of Loretto center of a quadrangle, the four sides of which were 

and imploring the succor of the Virgin Mary. Nor were formed of bark dwellings occupied by the Hurons. Of 

his hopes disappointed. He had reached that renowned the subsequent history of this Missionary, it may be said 

shrine, knelt, paid his devotions, and offered prayer, that towards the end of the century the Indians again 

when, as he issued from the door of the chapel, he was removed to a point called New Lorette, or Indian 

accosted by a young man whom he conjectured to have Lorette, which is four miles distant from the original 

been an angel descended to his relief, and who was prob- site. This location, according to Parkman, was a wild 

ably some penitent or devotee bent on works of charity spot covered with the primitive forest and seamed by a 

or self-mortification. Wjth the voice of the greatest deep and tortuous ravine, where the St. Charles foams 

kindness, he proffered his aid to the wretched boy, white as a snowdrift over the black ledges, and where the 

whose appearance was alike fitted to awaken pity and sunlight struggles through matted boughs of the pine 

disgust. The conquering of the natural repugnance to and fir, to bask for brief moments on the mossy rocks, or 

filth in the interest of charity and humility, is a con- flash on the hurrying waters. On a plateau close to the 

spicuous virtue in most of the Saints; and what- margin of the torrent another Huron town was estab- 

ever merit may attach to it was acquired in an lished, and a new edifice erected in honor of Our Lady, 

extraordinary degree by the young man in question. And here, at this present day, the dwindling remnants 

Apparently, he was a physician; for he not only restored of a once fierce and mighty nation transformed into a 

the miserable wanderer to a condition of comparative meager settlement of weavers of baskets and makers of 

decency, but cured him of a grievous malady, the result moccasins are slowly fulfilling the inscrutable edicts of 

of neglect. Chaumonot went on his way, thankful to his fate in the final summing up of a long-suffering and 

benefactor, and overflowing with an enthusiasm of grat- checkered career. 

itude to Our Lady of Loretto." Of his subsequent But to return to this fresh outbreak on the part of the 

experience, we are told that he resumed his journey Mohawks. Once more the colonists found themselves 

towards Rome, during which he was for a period confronted by the problem which had since their first 

employed by an old burger as a servant. While per- advent into the country caused them the greatest dis- 

forming these menial duties, he became known to a quiet. Again had the feeble thread which bound their 

Jesuit, to whom he had confessed, and his acquirements temporary understandings been severed, and a breach 

even at that time being considerable, through the infln- opened through which they all too readily compre- 

ence of this religious he was employed as a teacher in hended was to be viewed the same unwelcome vista of 

one of the schools of that Order. Thus there grew up carnage and disquiet. But one hope, a very feeble one it 

within him a desire to become a Jesuit, as a result of that, remained to them, it being an immediate subjection 

which, at the age of twenty-one, he was admitted to a to this belligerent foe before the other cantons concluded 

novitiate. It was at about this time that he first learned to join in the uprising. In accordance with this view 

of the Canadian mission, and thereafter became inspired of the condition of affairs, a number of armed parties 

with a desire to devote the remainder of his life to work were immediately sent forth, and their active presence in 

among the Canadian Indians. So in company with the field, being not only unexpected but unprecedented, 

Father Poncet, who was also destined for that field of had undoubtedly an altogether wholesome effect, inspir- 

labor, he soon afterward embarked for his future home, ing the savages with sufficient consideration for their 

arriving in the Huron country some time during the activity and alertness, which augured well for something 

early autumn of 1639. Before leaving their native coun- in the way of a compromise. 

try, however, they together visited Loretto, and it was At this particular moment an Algonquin squaw who 

at that time, the historian tells us, that Chaumonot, over- with her family had resided at Sylleri acted a part in this 



•drama of blood which undoubtedly had considerable to extended mention, and as it will be necessary to refer to 

do with the trend of affairs which followed. She, Char- his labors at a later period, for the present we will 

levoix tells us, was in the field with her husband and leave him. Of the other, Father Dablon, it may be 

•children, when five Mohawks suddenly started up and said that he had but just arrived from France, although 

seized and bound the brave; to the woman, however, he was already on the highway to success, having during 

they paid but little attention, owing to the fact that her the short period of his residence in Canada acquired an 

children were all of tender age and consequently needed enviable reputation for both wisdom and virtue. These 

her attention. Here, however, is where they made a fatal Missionaries left Quebec for the country of the Onon- 

mistake, for at a moment when least expected she seized dagas on September 19, 1655, being attended by a large 

a hatchet, brained the chief who was at the head of the body of that nation who had come to act as an escort for 

party, and meted out the same fate to another who was them. 

rushing to his assistance. The remaining warriors were Reaching the canton of the tribe on November 5, they 
so thoroughly overcome with the boldness of this act were received with much distinction by the entire popula- 
tion her part, that, without attempting the least reprisal, tion, while the presents which they bore to the chiefs on 
they flew precipitately into the woods, leaving the behalf of Mr. de Lauson were accepted with much respect 
squaw to release her husband and depart with him and and consideration. A location was at once assigned to 
her family for the settlements. A few successes on the the Missionaries as a residence, where by the aid of many 
part of the French in slight engagements between them willing hands they were soon comfortably housed. For 
and roving bands of the Mohawks, and the particular some time following their arrival, the work of the Mis- 
event just cited, had such an effect upon the tribe that sionaries progressed with much satisfaction, and in fact 
they at once came forward with the request that the they had been there but a little while when they were 
terms of peace formerly established might be renewed, enabled to erect a church in the town, and thenceforth it 
They also on this occasion emphasized this desire by became possible for them to conduct religious services 
requesting that a priest be sent among them to instruct in a manner equally impressing and satisfactory as 
them in the Christian religion. The latter request was though they had been with their own people and in the 
acquiesced in, Father le Moyne being selected by the midst of civilization. 

Superior-General for that purpose; and so well and Thus in a few localities the seed of a new life had 

kindly was he received by the tribe that in spite of their apparently germinated, and bid fair with consistent and 

former treachery he at least became thoroughly con- generous cultivation to yield returns, if not commensu- 

vinced that the desire for peace on their part was hon- rate with the labors and sufferings undergone, yet 

estly and sincerely made. He even would not allow him- accepted in joy and thankfulness by the Missionaries 

self to be diverted from this belief, although he might themselves. And taking everything into consideration — - 

well have been led to do so by the actions of a warrior tiie limited number of settlers, their meager and unsatis- 

who on one occasion in a fit of extreme deviltry factory equipment, and the chilling indifference of the 

employed an entire night rushing frantically from cabin Canadian Company for their safety and comfort' — it is 

to cabin, tomahawk in hand, declaring that he meant to really a wonder that matters could be in so satisfactory 

take the life of Ondcsson, which was the name by which a condition as they were. But strange as it may appear 

the Missionary was designated among the Iroquois, and often difficult of comprehension, it is nevertheless the 

Moreover, it is believed that he would have carried out fact that, whatever firmness of footing was theirs, it was 

his foul intent had there been others of a similar mind or entirely owing to the Indians, who, while fully supplied 

inclined to show even a passive approval of his contem- as far as the matter of sagacity was concerned, had not 

plated brutality. Other incidents of a questionable the slightest appreciable idea of their own condition, or 

nature also transpired in his experience with these peo- the seriousness of the question in which the interests of 

pie; yet he still valiantly held his post, believing in their the entire race were at that time involved, 

sincerity, and persuading himself that he could by gain- For the benefit of posterity and those who enjoy the 

ing their confidence bring them to a proper sense of their advantages derived from the condition of that country 

duties as men and Christians. to-day, it may in all fairness be regarded as a most for- 

The moral condition of the Onondagas at this time tunate occurrence that these people then thought and 

was such as to assure the best and most satisfactorv acted as the)- did; otherwise, it is a question if the French 

results, when they were approached upon the subject of could even have momentarily maintained a position 

religion, for which purpose the Missionary Fathers among them. Had they paused to consider, and curb- 

Chaumonot and Dablon were sent among them. Of the ing the unnatural desire for dictatorial ascendancy 

two Father Chaumonot has already received somewhat among themselves, consorted together, acting as a unit 



in their own defense, the encroachments of civilization Iroquois, had taken no part whatever in the hostilities 
could have been retarded to such an extent that the between these two nations. On the contrary, their towns 
settlement of the country would have in all probability and villages were regarded as sanctuaries to which par- 
been given up as impracticable. ties or individuals of either people could go for safety. 

Instead of such a union, however, they allowed them- But this condition of indifference by no means pertained 

selves to be overcome by personal hatreds, the result of to their relations with other tribes and peoples, against 

which was an internal warfare which decimated their a number of which they conducted a fierce and persistent 

ranks, and in fact only ceased when some of the largest war. Particularly did they maintain an aggressive atti- 

and strongest nations had been to all intents and pur- tude toward the Mascoutins, or nation of fire 1 , who at 

poses swept from the face of the earth. that time were dwelling some distance inland from the 

Of this peculiar condition Parkman has spoken as western shore of Lake Michigan, 
follows: "Of the four kindred communities, two at least, Of the aggressiveness of the Neutral nation, Lale- 

the Hurons and the Neutrals, were probably superior in mant speaks in his Relation of 1643, m which he cites 

numbers to the Iroquois. Either one of these with union the following incident, which occurred during the pre- 

and leadership could have held its ground against them, ceding summer: "Two thousand warriors of the Neutral 

and the two united could easily have crippled them nation took a town of the Mascoutins which was well 

beyond the power of doing mischief. But these so-called fortified with a palisade and defended by nine hundred 

nations were mere aggregations of villages and families, warriors. They took it after a siege of ten days, killed 

with nothing that deserved to be called a government to many on the spot, and made eight hundred prisoners — 

hold them together. They were very liable to panics men, women and children. After burning seventy of the 

because the part on section or town attacked by an best warriors, they put out the eves of the old men and 

enemy could never rely with confidence on prompt sue- cut away their lips, and then left them to drag out a 

cor from the rest; and when once broken they could not miserable existence." 

be rallied, because they had no center around which to But at last the time had arrived for the Neutrals to 

gather, no place of rendezvous at which to meet and suffer, for the Iroquois, having conquered all else within 

arrange for future action. The Iroquois, on the other reach of their war parties, now gave their undivided 

hand, had organizations with which the ideas and habits attention to their extermination. Their first aggressive 

of several generations were interwoven, and they had movement against this people was made in the fall of 

also sagacious leaders for peace and war. They discussed 1650, when they fell upon one of the principal towns of 

all questions of policy with the coolest deliberation, and the nation, which at the time had a population of sixteen 

knew how to turn to profit even imperfections in their hundred men, exclusive of women and children. The 

plan of government which seemed to promise only weak- year following, a similar attack was made upon another 

ness and discord. Thus any nation or any large town of town of equal pretensions, which resulted in the 

their confederacy could make a separate war or a sepa- slaughter of the most of their warriors, and the capture 

rate peace with a foreign nation or any part of it. Some of a large number of prisoners. This virtually terminated 

member of the league, as for example the Cayugas, the existence of the nation, the few remaining at liberty 

would make a covenant of friendship with the enemy, becoming so terrified that they abandoned their homes 

and while the infatuated victims were thus lulled into a and fields, and took to the wilderness, where amidst 

delusive security the war parties of the other nations, unusual hardships and privations they rapidly perished 

often joined by the Cayuga warriors, would overwhelm until the nation to all intents and purposes became- 

them by sudden onset. But it was not by their craft nor extinct. 

by their organization — which for military purposes was We now arrive at one of the final pages'in this chap- 
wretchedly feeble — that this handful of savages gained a ter of blood, which records the destruction of another 
bloody supremacy. They carried all before them because prominent and populous nation, the Eries, whose terri- 
they were animated throughout as one man by the same torv was bounded on the north and east by the lake 
audacious pride and insatiable rage for conquest. Like bearing their name and the country of the Iroquois; on 
other Indians, they waged war on a plan altogether the east and southeast by the Appalachian Mountains,. 

democratic— that is, each man fought or not, as he saw ^-^ pa]]ed by the prench . also known as the A8Si8taeroimon s 

fit ; and they owed their unity and vigor of action to the ^^X^^e^n^lV' US" of T tne sacs VfUeTX 

homicidal frenzy that urged them all alike." ^c^TanT s^the" v^SS T^mJr^s^ e^S 

t, ■„ 1 , , ,, 1 , . • r , ,1,,. i„.n,.| I,, 1 1 1 , — , in -, >i .1 , . v, 1 1.' 1 1 1 ■ . 1 i » ,- 1 1 1 1 s i-iiul'nHiiili-i] with the Kickapoos 

It will be remembered as alluded to in a former chap- *, w,m! , ■., '',.'1 s./mhuel,' ■:■„ \vi-'-„M„.' ti- i;,.i ., „f n;.-,s states that 

.1 . ,1 -\T i. 1 i- 1 • 1 • 1 i. 1 i they hail thirty tmvus. ami that ihov were a stationary, ami to a certain 

ter that the Aeutral nation, which occupied a stretch ot ,. xll . nl .,,, ;i .. li( .„iturai 1 rie Fmvni i, v tin- a^Kressivoness of their 

,, , c , , -r, , tt 1 , ra enemos thev IK.1 in tin- n.-i.u'ht.nrh 1 of the Fox River. Wisconsin, in 

territory southeast of the Petun Hurons and west ot the w hi.-h io.-aiiiy they remained for a longtime. The tribe is now extinct. 


and directly south by the Ohio River, on the farther 
banks of which were located the Shawnees 1 . The Eries, 
designated by the French as the Nation of the Cat, 
owing to the large number. of wildcats which roamed the 
territory occupied by them, and who spoke a Huron dia- 
lect, had many towns and were noted for their peaceful 
disposition and general tendency toward more pastoral 
pursuits. In 1654 they were believed to have in the 
neighborhood of two thousand warriors, all of whom 
were excellent bowmen. The cause of the uprising 
against them by the Iroquois was brought about by an 
incident which occurred during the year 1653, the occa- 
sion being noted from the fact that at the time there 
were present in the principal towns of the Senecas a 
deputation of thirty of the principal men of the Erie 
nation who were there to confirm a treaty of peace which 
had a short time previously been concluded. 

During this visit it happened that a personal quarrel 
arose between a couple of Seneca and Erie braves in 
which the former was killed, whereupon the thirty depu- 
ties were at once put to death. Then followed a war of 
reprisals in which the entire Iroquois nation took an 
active part. On one occasion a band of Erie warriors 
succeeded in capturing a noted Onondaga chief, whom 
they were about to sacrifice when he suggested that 
it would be a wise and prudent course for them to 
pursue, and one which would undoubtedly prove a means 
of conciliation to his countrymen, were his life spared 
and a disposition made of him in accordance with other 
customs prevailing among the natives, which were often 
averted to in preference to taking a captive's life. So 
the chiefs of the nation, after mature deliberation, con- 
cluded to give him to the sister of one of their murdered 
people, whose place he was henceforth supposed to take. 
She was absent at the time, but upon her return, being 
informed of the disposition made of the Onondaga, 
indignantly repudiated the proposition, and vehemently 
declared that nothing would satisfy her for the loss 
sustained but the immediate execution of the prisoner. 
So, according to the customs of the tribe, he was put 
to death ; but before entirely succumbing to the effects of 

of the Susquehanna; but they always regarded 
When Father Clavier descended the .Mississippi River in 1700. he found 
the Shawnees. or Chaouannii as they were ealled bv the French, living 
■ - "ributary_of the Ohio which comes from the southwest and is now 

. on the Aboriginal 

Races of North Ameriea. pul.iishod about the year lssn, says: "This 
tribe own a tract of country twenty-tive miles north and south and one 
hundred east and west, bounded on the east bv the State of .Missouri and 
on the north by the Kansas river, whieh in point of soil, timber and 
water is equalled by but few tracts of the same size in any country; 
though then- is somehow hardly a sufficient proportion of timber for the 

prairie. The Shawnees have I nine an agricultural people, their 

buildings and farms being similar to those of the wdiites in a newly 
settled country; inclosed by rail fences and most of them in good form, 
each string of fence being straight and sufficiently high to secure their 
crops, and many of them staked and ridered. They all live in comfort- 

the terrible tortures inflicted, he made the prophetic 
statement that they were burning, not only him, but 
the entire Erie nation, as his countrymen would take a 
fiery vengeance for his murder. And so it came about; 
for as soon as the knowledge of his death became known 
among his people, the entire confederacy arose to a man, 
and under the command of two of their most noted chief- 
tains took the field with the avowed purpose of extermi- 
nating the Erie nation. 

Down the coast of the great lake they proceeded in a 
large flotilla of canoes towards the country of the enemy, 
who upon hearing of their approach withdrew into the 
forest towards the west, where, having concentrated their 
entire force, they fortified themselves with palisades and 
awaited the coming of the enemy 2 . 

The fight which followed was a long and bloody one, 
the advancing forces of the Iroquois being time and 
again repelled by the terrible rain of arrows which were 
poured upon them. Each succeeding attempt saw many 
a warrior prone upon the ground struggling in the last 
agonies of death, or so severely wounded as to be unable 
to withdraw from the field. At last, however, determined 
at any cost to secure the victory, they again advanced, 
this time bearing their canoes in front of them, and thus 
protecting themselves from the terrible storm of arrows 
with which their advance was ever greeted. Thus they 
reached the palisades, which, being scaled, they at once 
entered upon an impetuous and ferocious hand to hand 
conflict with the enemy. The onslaught became so ter- 
rible that, panic-stricken and overawed by the ferocity of 
the foe, the Eries at last lost all power of resistance, and 
becoming easy victims to the knives of the Iroquois 
braves, were slaughtered almost to a man. But the price 
of victory was great, and owing to their own severe losses 
the Iroquois were compelled to remain in that vicinity 
for several weeks in order that they might properly dis- 
pose of their dead, and care for the wounded. 

These events were naturally watched with the greatest 
interest by the colonists, who, not without cause, feared 
that these last great and overwhelming successes of the 
Iroquois might lead them to a renewal of a pronounced 
and aggressive hostility toward the French. But if such 
were the intentions of that nation, the ( hiondagas at 
least showed no disposition towards becoming active fac- 
tors in the estrangement, as by every means in their 
power they endeavored in everything to strengthen their 
friendly relations with the colonists. With this in view, 
they sent a delegation to Quebec, accompanied by their 

e cabins, perhaps li 

If or m. 

re be 

ng built of goc 

d hewn ]< 

atly raised, with ou 


me authority, the Sha 

wnee nat 

on wa 

s subdued by th 

e Iroquois 

indred. In this conflict we are told a number of the 

rms. while the Eries depended entirely upon poisoned 

discharged at the foe with great i" 


resident pastor, Father Dablon, who added his entreaties 
to theirs for the establishment of a number of the French 
among them. With this party the good priest arrived at 
the seat of government on March 30, 1656, where the 
delegation was well received by Mr. de Lauson, who, in 
spite of other portentous influences brought to bear, 
expressed his unqualified willingness to accede to their 

To further this purpose, a body of Frenchmen, fifty in 
number, were selected and placed under the immediate 
command of Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison, 
whom the governor appointed as commandant of the 
new settlement. The party was accompanied, also, by 
Father Francis le Mercier, who had in the meantime 
succeeded Father Jerome Lalemant as Superior-General 
of the missions, and Fathers Fremin, Menard and 
Dablon, whOm he had chosen to establish the first Iro- 
quois church. The entire party left Quebec on the 7th 
day of May, being, in spite of a far from bountiful har- 
vest, supplied with an abundance of provisions for their 
support, if necessary, for an entire year, in addition to 
which they carried implements and seeds of a character 
and quantity requisite for the cultivation and planting of 
a considerable area of land. 

This proposed undertaking becoming known to the 
Mohawks, who also learned that the party had already 
advanced a considerable distance on its way, they became 
aroused and embittered, their naturally vindictive and 
suspicious natures leading them to believe that the estab- 
lishment of such a colony in the country of the Iroquois 
would be certain to result unfavorably to their interests. 
So they held a general council at which it was decided 
to thwart the undertaking and prevent the carrying out 
of the plans as arranged between the French and Onon- 
dagas. In order that they might carry this determination 
into positive and immediate effect, a large body of war- 
riors, some four hundred in number, were sent out by the 
nations with orders to destroy the entire party. This, 
fortunately, they were prevented from doing, as they 
failed to overtake or come in contact with the main body, 
although they partially carried out their instructions by 
falling upon a few stragglers, to whom they afterwards 
excused themselves by saying: "We did not know that 
you were Frenchmen ; we took you for Hurons or Algon- 

It was not long after this occurrence that the French 
were informed of the attitude of the Mohawks towards 
them, which naturally caused much uneasiness for the 
welfare and safety of the party. However, the condition 
of affairs was such that it would have been, not only 
impolitic, but absolutely suicidal for them to have taken 
any active measures to resent this insult. They even, it 
would seem, lived in hope that the Mohawks, having 


overcome their first passionate resistance, would become 
reconciled to the undertaking, and could be prevailed 
upon to acquiesce in the arrangements. Not long after, 
however, they became thoroughly convinced of the 
futility of expecting any such concession on the part of 
these people, whose aggressiveness became more pro- 
nounced than ever. It was at this time, in fact, that a 
party of warriors approached Isle Orleans, where in the 
early morning they fell upon a band of ninety Hurons 
of all ages and sexes, killing these and carrying the rest 
away into captivity. They even accentuated the insult 
by taking these bound and helpless people in their canoes 
before and close under the guns of the fort, where, we 
are told, they made them sing, as if in defiance of the 
authorities there. They then took them to their coun- 
try, where, after having burned the chief among them, 
they distributed the rest through their numerous towns 
and villages. 

Of de Lauson's action in this matter, the historian 
Charlevoix says: "He has been severely censured for 
having put up with such insolence; and his inaction, it 
must be confessed, while they were carrying off, so to 
say, from between his arms allies whose preservation 
equally concerned the honor of the French name and 
that of religion, casts a stain on his memory which all 
his virtue cannot efface, but it is because there are mis- 
fortunes which men do not forgive, and which, to their 
way of thinking, dishonor a man as much as the greatest 
cowardice." It must be said in his defense, however, that 
to rescue these people, whose troubles were largely 
owing to a presumptuous confidence on their part, would 
have required the calling-out of five or six hundred men; 
and even had the Governor taken that immediate and 
arbitrary stand, they could not have been made ready 
for service until the Mohawks had obtained such a start 
that pursuit would have been unavailing. 

As to the miserable people who, largely owing to 
their own foolishness, had thus fallen victims to the wiles 
and machinations of a watchful enemy, it is stated on the 
authority of one of the number, who more fortunate than 
his fellows succeeded in making his escape and returned 
to the Colony, that they passed through the trying ordeal 
with the greatest fortitude, and that while many of them 
were subjected to almost unparalleled inhumanity, they 
never ceased in proclaiming the greatness and goodness 
of God, although they knew that in so doing they irri- 
tated their torturers, and thereby increased their own 

It will be noticed that the Iroquois had conducted 
their numerous hostilities in a manner that not only 
proved the correctness of their judgment, but also exhib- 
ited an amount of astuteness and diplomatic cunning 
which placed them far ahead of other nations in that 


respect. This will become still more noticeable in mak- time on no further trace is obtainable of them, so that it 

ing even a cursory review of prior events, by means of cannot be actually told whether they united with the 

which we learn that after having, to all intents and pur- Hurons or became subjects of the Iroquois. Shea 

poses, destroyed the Hurons, they made systematic believes they did both, as at a later period they formed a 

attacks upon the allies of that nation. Among this num- considerable part of the Senecas. 

ber were the Ottawas, who, however, gaining wisdom A few weeks after the descent of the Mohawks upon 

from the experience of others, removed themselves and Isle Orleans and their capture of a large number of 

their belongings, as far as possible, from the presence Hurons, a party of some thirty Ottawas, accompanied by 

of the foe, against whose power and all-conquering two Frenchmen, came with a large consignment of furs 

forces it would have been impossible for them to con- to Quebec. In setting out upon their return journey, 

tend. So, some of them took possession of territory these Ottawas were accompanied by thirty young 

immediately contiguous to Saginaw Bay, or Saguinaw, Frenchmen, while Father John Dequen 1 , who had charge 

as some call it, which lies directly west of the country of of the mission during the absence of the Superior-Gen- 

the Hurons and north of the Pottawattomies, while eral, Father le Mercier, appointed Fathers Dreuillettes 

others located on Thunder Bay and at Manitouline and Garreau and a lay brother, Louis le Boesme 2 , to 

Island and Michillimackinac. According to Charlevoix, attend them. 

the majority of this tribe or nation remained upon the Of the hazard of the venture and extreme risks which 

banks of the River Ottawa, which he had always claimed the party ran, there can be no question whatever, as they 

was their particular place of abode. To this statement, had been on the road even less than a day 3 when they 

however, the historian Shea demurs, quoting a long line were met by an envoy sent to them by the Governor of 

of authorities in substantiation of the position taken by Three Rivers, who warned them that there was a large 

him. Of the division and dispersion of the Hurons, we party of Mohawks in the neighborhood. 

have already treated in part, tracing them through their This news undoubtedly saved the lives of many of 

wanderings from St. Joseph to Manitouline, while others them, as it was afterwards learned that the Mohawks, 

went to Michillimackinac. Of their further history, we having heard of their departure from Quebec, designed 

are informed that in 1652 they were at Teaontorarai — to attack them between that point and Three Rivers, for 

the Noquet Islands— and in the following year were which purpose they had arranged an ambuscade. Being 

about to retreat into Lake Superior, to Aotonatendie, warned, however, the Ottawas had used extra precau- 

near the great lake of the "Puants" (probably the Pointe tions, and in doing so avoided a collision with the enemy. 

du Ste. Esprit). In 1658 they were among the Potta- Arriving at Three Rivers, a council was immediately 

wattomies and in the year following were on the Missis- convened, which resulted in a decision by a majority of 

sippi. Here they came into contact with the Sioux, and, the French to proceed no farther, but await a favorable 

falling out with them, ascended the Black River, opportunity for returning to Quebec. This determina- 

although the Ottawas, who had till then kept them com- tion was certainly a wise one, as the Ottawas were poorly 

pany, marched on to Chequamegon. It is here that armed and in any event ill-prepared to meet such a vigor- 

Menard evidently found the Ottawas and was coming ous and well-equipped foe. So but three of the French- 

from their village to that of the Hurons of the Black men followed the fortunes of the Ottawas, and even they 

River when he lost his life. A remnant of the Neutral were persuaded to do so from the fact that they could 

nation were also with these Hurons. Of the subsequent not bring themselves to allow the missionaries to go for- 

history of the Neuters, it is known that after the two ward thus unattended. 

tremendous defeats which they sustained at the hands of Thus far firearms had not been counted among the 

the Iroquois— of which an account has been given — a implements of war pertaining to an Ottawa warrior's 

number of those who managed to escape formed an outfit, but now, realizing the necessity and gravity of 

alliance with the Andastes, in conjunction with whom the occasion, a majority of them were armed with guns, 

they committed many depredations in the Iroquois coun- of the use of which they had but little if any knowledge, 

try, in one instance driving the women and children of It has since remained a question in the minds of many 

the Senecas from their towns and villages. Perrot locates if this was an act of wisdom on the part of the mission- 

the last of the Neuter towns at a point opposite Detroit, aries and their friends, as like children with a new toy. 

At a later date, that is towards the latter part of 1653, a once having them in their possession, the Ottawas were 

large body of these people— some eight hundred in always on their lookout for an excuse to use them. This 

number — fled to Askauchioe at a point three leagues " (1) Mso re ferred to as ie Qmen and De Qven. 

u J c ii Ci T\ r • .■_ .li i i. 4 1 i. c •-> Le Boesme was a particularly useful character In this -work. 

beyond Sault Ste. Marie, at that time a general resort Of having been brought up under the supervision and personal direction of 

., /-<... r-* , . . t. t . . . -,-, .« , Father de Brebeuf In the Huron nations. 

the Ottawas, Chlppewas and NlplSSingS. trom that (3) The party left Quebec towards the middle of August, 1656. 


incautiousness on their part made pursuit an easy matter 
for the Mohawks, who had dogged their steps since the 
moment of their leaving Three Rivers, and but awaited 
the fitted place and opportunity to fall upon and destroy 
them. Thus, with an easy certainty, they followed upon 
the Ottawa trail until reaching the banks of a lake 
formed by the discharge of the Ottawa River into the St. 
Lawrence, which is at a point some little distance above 
the Island of Montreal. Here they awaited the arrival 
of the party, the advance guard of whom had no sooner 
come within range than they poured in a deadly volley 
upon them, killing several outright and severely wound- 
ing a great man)' others. Among the latter was Father 
Garreau, whose spine had been broken by a musket 1 ball. 

The main body of the Ottawas, on hearing the firing 
and scenting danger, immediately hastened forward to 
the relief of their friends, landing at a point where a 
number of corpses and unmanned canoes denoted the 
ambuscade .had taken place, and with much bravery 
charged repeatedly upon the defenses of the enemy. The 
battle was a stubborn one, many being killed and 
wounded on both sides, but the Ottawas were at length 
compelled to desist, retiring without having secured the 
release of the Jesuits and a number of their fellow-tribes- 
men, who thus remained in the hands of the foe. 

After attacking the Ottawa flotilla and having 
retreated to safer quarters behind a number of prepared 
defenses, the chief in command of the Mohawk party, 
who was none other than the Flemish Bastard previously 
referred to, came to the Missionaries expressing the 
great sorrow he felt at the injuries inflicted upon Father 
Garreau, and assuring them that it was altogether unin- 
tentional and that they had not been recognized as 
Frenchmen and Jesuits until after the damage had been 
done. Of course, this was merely a subterfuge on his 
part, and as such received by the Missionaries, who, 
however, fully realizing the precariousness of their con- 
dition, and anxious to return to the settlement as quickly 
as possible, were unwilling to do anything that might 
anger this ferocious leader, or otherwise delay their 
arrangements for immediate departure. That their 
alternative was a wise one became a certainty, when, on 
the following day, September 2, a party of Mohawks 
escorted them to Montreal, where they also presented 
two belts of wampum to the Governor as an expression 
of their regret at having fired upon Father Garreau and 
to wipe away the tears of his fellow-priests. 

Thus was the good priest, Father Leonard Garreau, 
brought back to die, and thus was sanctified a life of 
earnest usefulness and self-denial, most fittingly brought 
to a glorious climax of martyrdom amidst the scenes of 

els fired by a renegade Fre 
1 the Mohawks gave up to 

his activity and devotion. Already had the hand of death 
been placed heavily upon him, so that when the party 
arrived at Montreal he was beyond earthly hope. For- 
tunately, however, Father Claude Pijart was there at the 
time, and it was in his arms the good priest expired 
while still calling upon the Almighty God for forgiveness 
for those who had slain him. 

The attitude of the Mohawks had now become too 
pronounced to admit of question, so, having suitably 
cared for the remains of their deeply deplored brother 
and friend, Father Dreuillettes and Brother le Boesme 
set forth on their return journey to Quebec, where they 
arrived safely without further incident. 

Contrary to all precedent, and in spite of the unrelia- 
bility and treachery of that particular tribe, the French 
continued to flatter themselves with the belief that, if the 
other nations of the confederacy but remained loyal, the 
Mohawks would be compelled to friendliness, or at 
least remain passive. Adding to this their firm convic- 
tion that the newly established settlement at Onondaga 
was also to be a notable factor in the establishment of 
French authority and supremacy throughout the coun- 
try, they remained steadfast in their support of views 
which had hitherto proved untrustworthy and chimerical. 

In the meantime, the body of men who had started 
under the command of Dupuys for the country of the 
Onondagas proceeded on their way, and in due time 
arrived at Three Rivers and Montreal, at both of which 
places they made a brief stay. Finally they left the latter 
place on June the 8th, which had become memorable in 
the annals of their venture, for that upon it they fell in 
with a party of Mohawks whom they routed and relieved 
of their belongings in return for some similar treatment 
received at the hands of people of that tribe but a short 
time before. 

On the 29th of the same month there arrived in their 
camp the young Huron previously mentioned who alone 
of the party captured at Isle Orleans had succeeded in 
making his escape. He was in a most pitiable condition, 
being barely able to walk, while the skin on many parts 
of his body had been burnt, almost to a crisp, thus 
•tausing the most exquisite pain with every motion. He 
had then been seventeen days on the road, during which 
entire period he had tasted of no food but berries, while 
fear of pursuit and recapture had added to his bodily 
sufferings by a condition of mental anxiety and suspense 
which had made such a boon as rest an impossibility. 
This poor fellow was treated with the greatest kindness 
and solicitude by the French and Indians alike, and 
when sufficiently recovered to bear the exertion was 
sent under protection to Quebec. 

At last, after a number of days' journeying, unevent- 
ful in every respect save that they suffered considerable 


inconvenience from want of provisions 1 , they arrived at 
the country of the Onondagas. 

Here they were met by emissaries who informed 
them that a large representation from all the Iroquois 
cantons had come out to bid them welcome and for that 
purpose awaited them on the banks of Lake Onondaga 2 , 
and Dupuys immediately made suitable arrangements 
to march into the presence of the nations with all of the 
impressiveness at his command. 

In order to carry out this plan, and before approach- 
ing the awaited delegation, he unloaded several small 
cannon and fired a volley, after which he reembarked 
and proceeded amidst an almost continuous salvo of 
musketry to make a landing. 

Upon landing, the entire party was received by the 
savages with every expression of satisfaction and 
rejoicing, while speeches, banquets, dances and songs 
were indulged in to an unlimited extent. On July 12, 
which was the day following, Mass was celebrated, and at 
its conclusion the Te Deum was chanted. The services 
over, there was an exchange of presents, a form always 
observed when alliances or treaties were about to be 
made. So affairs continued to run along in a most satis- 
factory manner, the French, having already become 
somewhat accustomed to their new surroundings, build- 
ing and arranging quarters suitable for their occupancy. 
While this work was being carried along, Father le 
Mercier proceeded to make a visit to Onondaga, at 
which place he was well and ceremoniously received. 
This town lay about five leagues from St. Mary's, and 
was called by the Onondagas, Achiendase. 

By the end of the month the missionaries had begun 
to labor, and quite successfully, too, among the people 
of the tribe, while they received further evidence of the 
interest taken in their work in a request from the 
Cayugas that a missionary be also sent to them, and to 
that important duty Father Menard was appointed. Here 
the reverend Missionary met with the most encouraging 
conditions, the entire adult population of the canton 
seemingly being very desirous of embracing the Chris- 
tian religion. So constant in fact did they become in 
their attendance at divine service, that it was soon neces- 
sary to enlarge by one-half the capacity of the little 
mission chapel which had already been erected there. 
Another evidence of their genuinely friendly intentions 


managed that an actual famine was upon them before they became 
5 of it or had been able to prepare themselves ' 
mtingeney. Their J " 

__ unlooked-for .... 
augmented at this time considerably owing to the fact that the fishing 
and hunting, upon which, as a matter of resource, they had confidently 
relied, also failed them, so that the French, who were entirely unaccus- 
tomed to long and forced fasts, stood an excellent chance of dying of 
starvation, and, in fact, many of them might have succumbed had not 
the Sachems of the Onondagas had the forethought to send forward a 
number of canoes laden with provisions to meet them. 

(2) Then called Lake Gannentaha, which means "Material for the 
Council Fire." 

toward the French was made manifest at about this 
time, when the former became the victims of a painful 
complaint which almost threatened their extermination. 
It was during this trying period that the Onondagas 
cared for them with the greatest devotion, and it was 
undoubtedly due to these unremitting attentions that 
they finally recovered. Still the fact remained that on 
former occasions a similar amount of kindness and solici- 
tude had been followed by the basest treachery, there- 
fore, while anxious to believe them sincere in their atten- 
tions, the French were still of the opinion that it would 
be wisest to observe the utmost precaution, and hence 
sought assiduously for means with which to erect a fort. 
But here again arose the same difficulty which had 
menaced them — indifference on part of the Canadian 
Company for their safety and absolute refusal by that 
organization to advance the necessary means for their 
protection. And as to credit, well as a matter of fact, 
those best qualified to judge as to the necessities and 
requirements of the colony, had but little of that com- 
modity to fall back upon. 

In the meantime, the Hurons who had been estab- 
lished on Isle Orleans, being in momentary fear of their 
lives and therefore deeming that location altogether too 
much exposed, removed to Quebec. Here once more 
the Indian character asserted itself, for no sooner had 
they been placed in safety than, assuming or believing 
that some affront had been put upon them by the 
French, they sent a secret messenger to the Mohawks, 
praying that they henceforth be received and recognized 
as people of that nation. No sooner had they done this, 
however, than they most heartily repented the pettish 
action which was liable to renew and increase, rather 
than lessen, their difficulties. But the Mohawks, realiz- 
ing their advantage, pressed the matter with much 
earnestness, and finding that argument was unavailing, 
resorted to force 3 , sending out several parties of warriors, 
who fell upon and slaughtered or made prisoners of all 
who were unfortunate enough to come within their 
reach. They believed that such summary treatment 
would bring about the most satisfactory results, and 
when in their opinion sufficient chastisement had been 
administered, they boldly sent a deputation of thirty of 
their nation to Quebec, to arrange for the removal of 
the Hurons to their country. 

Of the arrival of these emissaries and the exceeding 
haughtiness with which they presented their demands, 
Charlevoix tells us in the following language: 

(3) Accounts differ in regard to this 
Relation of 1657 fails to refer in any 
on the part of the Mohawks. It does, „„.,^.^., 

one hundred lr<>qu<>is eneamped at a point within throe or tour <l;i>> 
march of Quebec, and from there sent forward a delegation of thirty t 
the Huro- '" 

however, state that a party of 

j demand their fulfillment of the agreement a 


"They first applied to Mr. de Lauson and asked to be 
heard in the general assembly of the Hurons and 
French; and the Governor-General having consented, 
the chief of the deputation first addressed the Hurons, 
saying: 'Brother, it is now some time since you stretched 
your hands to beg me to lead you to my country; but 
as often as I get ready to do so you draw back, and it 
is to punish you for inconstancy that I have struck you 
with my hatchet. Believe me. Give me no more ground 
to treat you thus. Arise and follow me.' With these 
words he presented two belts — one, he said, to help the 
Hurons rise; the other, to assure them that henceforth 
the Mohawks would live with them as with their 
brethren. He then turned towards the General and 
spoke to him in these words: 'Ononthio, lift up your 
arms and let your children go, whom you hold clasped 
to your bos^m; for, should they comfit any folly, it is 
to be feared that while intending to chastise them, my 
blows may reach you. This is to open your arms.' And 
he presented a belt. T know,' he continued, 'that the 
Huron loves the prayer; that he acknowledges and 
adores the Author of all things; that in all his necessities 
he has recourse to Him. I wish to do the same. Con- 
sent that Ondesson 1 — who has left me, I know not why — 
return with the Huron to instruct me ; and as I have not 
canoes enough to take so many, do me the favor to lend 
me yours.' " 

The forbearance shown by de Lauson at this exhibi- 
tion of uncalled-for and extreme insolence was simply 
remarkable, and only to be accounted for from the fact 
that these were the only ones of all the Confederacy who 
persisted in remaining inaccessible to the friendly 
advances of the French and their repeated efforts to act 
generously and conscientiously toward them. In the 
position thus assumed by him he was non-committal, 
although leaning to the art of persuasion rather than 
exhibiting that tendency towards aggressiveness which 
might most naturally have been expected. This fact was 
not lost upon the Hurons, who perhaps by their methods 
of discrimination concluded it was fear that impelled 
him to act in this manner. Thus they were led to com- 
pare the uncertainty of their present condition under 
French protection with their assured safety among the 
Iroquois, and as a result became divided among them- 
selves, some 2 remaining steadfast in their allegiance to 
the French; others decided to associate themselves with 
and become part of the Onondaga nation, while the 
Bear family alone remained steadfast to the original 
pledge and decided to join issues with the Mohawks. 

The de Lauson acting as governor on this occasion 

(1) Father le Moyne. 

was a son — Charles — of the actual official, who was 
absent at that time. He had come to Canada on June 
23, 1652, and in the following August married Mary 
Louise Giffard, who died in 1656. After his father's 
departure from Quebec in the summer of the latter year, 
he administered the affairs of the government until Sep- 
tember 18, 1657, when he also went to France. Having- 
been ordained, he returned in 1659 with Bishop Laval 
He again returned to France in 1672, accompanied by 
his daughter. 

To the speech of the Mohawk deputy, as already 
given, Father le Moyne, who was present and acted as 
interpreter, replied, saying: "Ononthio loves the 
Hurons; they are his children. But he does not keep 
them in leading strings. They are old enough to act 
for themselves. He opens his arms and leaves them 
at liberty to go whither they will. For my part, I will 
follow them wherever they go. If they go to you, 
Mohawk, I will instruct you also in what manner it is 
necessary to pray and adore the Maker of all things; 
but I dare not hope that you will listen to me. I know 
you and know how far your indocility goes. But I will 
console myself with the Hurons. As to the canoes you 
ask, you see well enough that we have scarcely what we 
need. If you have not enough, make some." This 
speech, which concluded the discussion, was preceded 
by one by the chief of the Bear family, who, representing- 
the Mohawk deputation, said: "Brothers, I am yours. 
I throw myself with closed eyes into your canoes, pre- 
pared for everything, even to die. But I wish to go at 
first alone with my own cabin (family). I will not ■ 
permit others to embark with me. If hereafter the rest 
of my nation wishes to come and join me, I will not 
oppose it; but I am glad to be able to let them see first 
in what manner you treat me." This substantially ended 
the conference, after which the Mohawk deputation, 
thoroughly satisfied with the outcome, set to work to 
make a number of canoes, in which when completed, 
together with those they had arrived in, they embarked 
with the Hurons for their country, on August 21, 1656. 
Five days later Father le Moyne also left Quebec on his 
way to the Mohawk country. 

But the troubles of the Hurons were not to end here, 
as they had fondly hoped, for hardly had the Mohawks 
and accompanying party departed from Quebec when a 
delegation from the Onondagas arrived and demanded 
that the Hurons also fulfill their pledges to them. This 
placed them in an unenviable and most embarrassing 
position. 3 

(3) Charlevoix tells us that, while in a. quandary as to what to do 
or say to these demands, the Hurons were relieved of their embarrass- 
ment by the Governor, who came forward and told the deputies that 
thev were wanting in respect to their Father; that a part of the Hurons 
-* -lildren were 
of warriors 


The Hurons, Neutrals and Erics having been dis- 
posed of, the Iroquois now turned their attention 
towards the Andastes. This nation, although by far 
smaller in numbers than were the other nations, cost 
their destroyers more dearly than all the others put 
together. Particularly was this the case with the 
Mohawks, who for ten years — from 1650 to 1660 — were 
the most aggressive and persistent of the attacking party. 
It was in fact a summary lesson for these people, whose 
reverses were such as to greatly humble and humiliate 
them and reduce them to a position from which they 
never fully recovered. 

When it became evident that the Mohawks were no 
longer able to maintain against this valorous enemy, the 
other nations of the Confederacy came to the rescue, 
although, be it said to the credit and glory of the 
Andastes, with but little, if any more satisfactory results. 
And so the war continued until the earlier part of 1662, 
when a body of Iroquois warriors, eight hundred strong, 
marched down into the country of the Andastes and 
determined to annihilate them then and there. But here 
again they were doomed to disappointment, finding that 
the foe had taken every precaution to avoid being sur- 
prised. By the advice of a number of Swedish colonists 
living in their vicinity, they had fortified their town by 
a double palisade, flanked by bastions, on which were 
mounted a number of small cannon. Quickly appreci- 
ating that force would not avail against such careful 
and systematic arrangements, the Iroquois sought by 
treachery to secure the desired end. They sent forward 
a delegation of twenty-five warriors for the ostensible 
purpose of arranging for a general settlement of griev- 
ances. But the Andastes were not to be hoodwinked 
so readily. Thoroughly appreciating the true inwardness 
of the act, they admitted the envoys, seized them, and 
then, mounting with them upon high scaffolds, tortured 
them to death before the very eyes of their fellows. 

Realizing their impotency to act, the forces of the 
Confederacy withdrew, evidently for the purpose of con- 
sultation and the final adoption of some method by 
means of which they could once more acquire that 
supremacy among the nations which had been theirs for 
so long a time. Before they had arrived at any satis- 
factory or definite conclusion they were compelled to 
take the field; for the Andastes, determined to bring 
affairs to a speedy conclusion, invaded their country and 
started upon a war of active aggression. This, too, 
happened at a most inopportune time for the Senecas — 

that they should come to seek friends and brethren; that if they wished to 
do things regularly, they should return home; that the Hurons would 
keep their word with them when they were able to regard them no 
longer as enemies; and to show them that what he said was not a 
pretext, the Hurons would go to Montreal to await them, and would 
Rive hostages. This reply satisfied them, and after they had been shown 
every consideration and courtesy, they returned home. To this alleged 
action on part of the Governor, and subsequent results, however, the 
Relation of 1657 does not in any way refer. 

first of the confederated nations to be attacked — owing 
to the fact that they were at that time suffering from 
the ravages of a dread disease. Thus the war became 
resolved into one of skirmishes and predatory rovings, 
which, in spite of their bravery and success, gradually 
told upon the limited number of the Andastes. They 
finally were badly defeated by the Senecas in 1675. Those 
remaining — it was a pitiable remnant — were thereafter 
known as the Conestogas, as which nearly one hundred 
years later they met extermination at the hands of the 
"Paxton Boys," as elsewhere related. 

But what of the victors, and what was the result of 
their insatiable desire for conquest? They had van- 
quished every nation and people of their own race; had 
followed some even to the verge of extermination, while 
others were permitted to exist, but only on payment 
of tribute to this inexorable nation of Caesars; and 
had made of a populous and prosperous country a 
barren and lifeless waste. They were the conquerors, but 
at a cost which had merged their greatness into nothing- 
ness. For, as says le Jeune : "Their victories have so 
depopulated the towns that there are more foreigners 1 in 
them than natives. These were either prisoners who had 
been adopted or who had voluntarily joined the Iroquois 
to save themselves from further annoyance and hostility. 2 
Situated, then, in a location between the spreading 
settlements of France and England, this once great 
nation was reduced to a pitiful few, 3 who vaunted their 
greatness on the strength of a useless triumph. But even 
then they were not satisfied to rest. The thirst for blood 
was still upon them; hands steeped in the blood of 
thousands of their unoffending fellows had lost their 
cunning for more peaceful employment; hearts bad to 
the core exulted in the thought of renewed atrocities. 
And so they went their way, incorrigible, unreconcilable, 
pursuing their murderous designs to Hudson's Bay, 
around the shores of Lake Superior, thence down along 
the Mississippi, reaching far out to inland and towards 
Lake Michigan in search of those who, driven by their 
brutality, had at last sought refuge on the islands at the 
mouth of Green Bay, along" the shores of Lake Michigan, 
and at Sault Ste. Marie, Michillimackinac, and other 
points which have since become historical as centers of 
missionary enterprise and zeal. 

Here, then, we feel impelled to discontinue a narra- 
tive so fraught with human suffering and human sacri- 
fice, so void of the graciousness of happy results. Broad- 

en At this time at Onondaga there were seven different nations 
nanently established, while among the Senecas there were eleven. 
(2) These aliens were not permitted to have any voice in the tribe's 
lii-ratinns at the council fire, but were expected to joi 

excused from taking active 
partii-ipation in the field against their former countrymen. The condition 
uf the female prisoners was little better than that of slaves, and those 
to whom thev were assigned often killed them on the slightest pique. 

(3) Twenty-two hundred warriors in all, ol which hut twelve hundred 
were purely Iroquois. 


minded and masterful as the original plan had been, there 
was lacking to a marked extent that unity without which 
such undertakings are certain to meet with failure. In 
this instance, in spite of the general good intent on the 
part of its originators and the sympathies of the religious 
who subsequently joined in the work, there was a sense- 
less cupidity surrounding the actions of the Canadian 
Company, the individual members of which had unfor- 
tunately obtained control of the enterprise by reason of 
their great wealth and consequent ability to obtain the 
favor of those higher powers whose exalted positions 
enabled them to rule the nation's destinies both at home 
and abroad. This was preeminently the most serious 
cause, to which the blood-thirsty depredations of the 
Iroquois proved a fitting sequel. 

In the beginning the interests of religion and com- 
merce had been almost identical, and it was but a little 
while before it became plainly demonstrated to all 
unprejudiced minds that either one of these enterprises 
could not fail without the other experiencing a commen- 
surate loss. First, then, the hardy voyageur and explorer 
gained foothold in this land, the people of which, fierce, 
fearless and unapproachable, were more quickly aroused 
to the benefits to be derived from closer association with 
the whites through the self-sacrificing and unobtrusive 
devotion of the religious, who quickly followed. 

That the work of the missionaries was deterred by the 

apathy of the Company, there can be no reasonable 
doubt; and in leaving the colonists to their own devices 
and without the necessary means with which to protect 
themselves and the dignity of the country they repre- 
sented, added to a growing belief among the more 
obstreperous of the Indian nations that the vaunted 
grandeur and power of France were but myths, hence 
increased their arrogance towards them. 

In the meanwhile, devoted to the work they had so 
unselfishly undertaken, and loath to see so fair a pros- 
pect stripped of its possibilities, the missionaries stepped 
boldly into the breach, guarding devotedly with their 
own lives the interests of religion and the colonists alike. 
But even such exquisite examples of generous self- 
sacrifice were insufficient to uphold a cause so burdened 
by narrow-minded avarice, and hence after experiencing 
countless sufferings and indignities, those of them who 
still remained realized that the end was near. 

Towards the end of the seventeenth century we find 
the country's commercial interests in the last throes of 
dissolution; while with the expulsion of the Hurons the 
Canadian mission became a thing of the past, a majority 
of the Jesuits returning to their native land, there to 
await the dawn of an era when, freed from the dross of 
an all-material existence, the world would experience a 
spiritual awakening. 

Ri$tory oTthe Catholic Cburcb in Wisconsin. 


Cbe Indian General Characteristics. 


The Purpose of this Section set forth.— Derivation of the Name Indian as 
applied to the American Aborigines. — Characteristics of the North 
American Indians, and their Standard of Excellence as compared with 
Other Nationalities.— Latter Day Impressions.— Social Status of the 
Indians as given by Parkman, Carver and Others.— Their Code of 
Courtesy and Social Side. — Indian Indifference.— Fearlessness in the 
Presence of Danger.— Tribal Attachments.— Indian Customs.— Their 
Treatment of very young Children.— Suscepibility.— Memory and Dis- 
cernment. — Appreciation of Nature for Practical Uses.— Necessities of 
the Aborigines made evident in their Early Associations with the 
Whites.— Indian Cookery. — Dress. — Architecture.— Superstitions.— In- 
dian Divinities.— The Medicine Man.— Indian Warfare.— The Art of 
Torture. — Education.— Gambling among the Aborigines.— The Hunting 
Season, and Methods adopted in the Pursuit of Game.— Indian Feasts. 
—The War Dance. — Indian Prisoners. — Adoption. — An Incident in 
Indian Warfare.— Indian Arms.— Reasons for Ecmity. — An Heroic 
Squaw.— Indian Treatment of Wounds.— Treatment prescribed for 
Pleurisy.— Hereditary Warfare.— Iroquois War Party in a Trap.— The 
Pipe of Peace, and its Various Uses. — Wampum. — Indian Belief in the 
Great Spirit.— Their Views on Eternity.— Prevailing Ideas of Life 
Everlasting.— Indian Feasts.— Peculiar Methods of Preparing Food.— 
Indian Fasts and Fast Dreams.— Effect of such Dreams upon After 
Life.— Sacrificial Feasts.— Methods of Cooking.— The Green Corn Feast 
or Dance. — How the Indians occupy their Time during the Festal 
Season.— The Great Spirit and the Bad Spirit.— Beliefs concerning 
them.— Spirit Worship.— Indian Beliefs concerning the Great Spirit— 
How they Name their Children.— Indian Religion.— Courtship and 
Marriage.— Divorce.— The Indians as Dancers.— The War Dance.— 
Mairriage Dance and Sacrificial Dance.— Difference in Marriage 
Obligations observed between the Iroquois and Ottawas.— Affection 
for their Young.— Indian Nomenclature.— Hospitality.— Crime and its 

D)HE original purpose of this book, as elsewhere 
^|3 stated, was to set before the people of Wis- 
\$$)w) consin and the country in general a correct 
accounting of the work accomplished by the 
Catholic Church in the territory at the present time 
comprising the commonwealth of Wisconsin. In the 
accomplishment of such an undertaking, it has been 
necessary to return to that period when, through the 
pious zeal and intrepid courage of a few determined 
spirits, the first faint rays of an encroaching civiliza- 
tion were cast athwart the fruitful and untrodden area 
of the New World. It is necessary, as far as it is 
within our means, to trace the progress of the Church in 
its long and victorious march; from the advent of the 
first missionary fathers, who alone, and almost unaided, 

penetrated the awe-inspiring depths of an unknown 
region, to that triumphant culmination which marks the 
present day. And it is only in doing so that the enormity 
of the undertaking, as well as the grandeur of the work 
achieved, can be made appreciable to the average mind. 
We can hardly wonder at this. It is difficult for the 
people of to-day, to whom all of the blessings of religion 
,are afforded in comfort and security, to appreciate the 
moral as well as the physical fortitude, the absolute 
self-denial, the awful sufferings, anguish and even death, 
which mark the way of the Cross and the establishment 
of the Church on this continent. 

But how conditions have changed! Now a man can 
walk abroad in a state of almost absolute security, while, 
if otherwise deserving, a variance in creed does not debar 
him from the consideration and respect of his fellows. 
To the many thus happily situated at the present time, 
it is hard to convey the remotest idea of the terrible 
ordeal through which the pioneer missionaries passed, 
and to which so many succumbed, that we might enjoy 
the benefits and blessings to follow. Such, however, 
was the devotion shown and the sacrifice made that pos- 
terity might benefit thereby. 

That the efforts of these early inspired workers may 
be still more fully appreciated, we have devoted con- 
siderable space to the consideration of those who first 
peopled the country — among whom the missionary 
fathers were called upon to labor. Here was a virgin 
field indeed, peopled with "men without knowledge of 
God or use of reason"; unchristianized, brutish crea- 
tures, of treacherous and ferocious nature, whose incli- 
nations were low and bestial, and whose minds were 
clogged with superstition. But of these more will be 
said at the proper time. 

The name Indian, or rather the use of that name, as 
applied to the aborigines of this continent, is believed 
by some writers to have been given through an error 
on the part of Columbus, who on his first voyage to 
America mistook that country for the Indies. It was, 
in fact, doubtless that in carrying out a pre-conceived 
plan he stumbled upon this new discovery; for his belief 


had always been that by sailing in a westerly course 
upon the Atlantic he would eventually arrive at the 
eastern coast of India. Thus through an error which 
obtained even to his fourth and last voyage, the name 
was given and acquired. 

Of the standard of excellence of these people as 
compared with those of other nationalities, at the time 
when they were first seen by Europeans, a well-known 
writer says: "In the light of our best means of knowl- 
edge of the past, with what we infer from fact, and our 
observations of the present as regards the aborigines 
of our continent, probably we should not widely err in 
resting in this conclusion — that the North American 
Indian, when first seen and known, stood mid-way upon 
the scale of humanity as then divided and filled over our 
globe by gradations of beings belonging to our race." 
Of the character of the Indians, the same writer says: 
"They have a fine physique, vigor of body, acuteness of 
senses, few demoralizing habits, good natural under- 
standing; and living under a stimulating and healthful, 
not enervating climate, on good soil, they were, never- 
theless, torpid, unaroused, unambitious, idle, listless, 

indifferent to everything but hunting and fighting. No 
step of progress, no sign of betterment showed itself 
among them. For all the evidence within our reach 
attests to us that there was among the savages no token 
of that discontent or yearning which is the incentive co 
change for the better." Of latter-day impressions we 
have those of George Catlin, the enthusiast who lived 
among the Indians for a number of years. He says: 
"The North American Indian in Irs native state is a 
hospitable, honest, faithful, brave, warlike, cruel, 
revengeful, relentless, yet honorable contemplative and 
religious being." General Custer has said — and none 
knew them better: "The Indian in his native village, 
on the warpath and when raiding upon our frontier 
settlements, forfeits his claim to the appellation of the 
'noble red man.' We see him as he is, and, as far as 
all knowledge goes, as he ever has been — a savage in 
every sense of the word; not worse, perhaps, than his 
white brother would be similarly born and bred, but one 
whose cruel and ferocious nature far exceeds that of any 
wild beast of the desert." 

As to character, 1 naturally enough, that also 

(1) Of their social status Parkman speaks as follows: "In Indian 
ial organizations a problem at once suggests itself. In these communi- 
flerce, and in many 

, comparatively populous, how 
respects^ ungovornod, live together in peace, without law and 

where savages lived togeth 

.ony which civilization might envy. This ..__ 
peculiarities of Indian character and habits, 
spects the most pliant 

inforced authorit; . 
in thousands, with 
in good measure 
This intractable ra__ .. 

ind complacent of mankind. The early missior 

the docile acquiescence with which their dogmas were received; but they 
soon discovered 'hat their facile auditors neither believed nor understood 
„_jnted from a kind 
_vexed the priests, tended greatly to keep the 

-•hat to which they had so r 
of courtesy, which, while it 
Indians in mutual accord. That •* 

f pride, covered the s 

-known self-control which. 
nature of the 1 

end. Though 

opaque though thin, contributed 

vain, arrogant, boastful and vindictive, the Indian bore abuse and __. 
casm with astonishing patience. Though greedy ami grasping, he was 
lavish without stint, and would give away his all to soothe the manes of 
i departed relative, gain influence and applause, or ingratiate himself 

e of his 

eighbors. In his dread of public opinion he rivaled s 

arated, but are mingled throughout the nation. All the members of each 
clan are, or are assumed to lie, intimately joined jn consanguinity. Hence 
it is held an abomination for two members of the same clan to intermarry, 
and hence again it follows that every family must contain members of at 
least two clans. Each Ian has its name, as the clan of the Hawk, of the 
Wolf or of the Tortoise; and each has for its emblem the figure of the 
beast, bird, reptile, plant or other object from which its name is derived. 
This emblem, called 'totem- by the Algonquins, is often tatooed on the 
clansman's body, or rudely painted over the entrance of the lodge. The 
child belongs in most cases to the clan, not of the father, but of the 
mother. In other words, descent, not of the totem alone, but of all rank, 
titles and possession, is through the female. The son of a chief can never 
be a chief by hereditary title, though he may become so by force of per- 
sonal influence or achievement. Neither can he inherit from his father so 
much as a tobacco pipe. All possessions alike pass by right to the brothers 
of the chief or to the sons of his sisters, since they are all sprung from a 
mot tier. This rule of descent was noticed by Champlain among 
r refers it to an origin which 
not be the son of his reputed 
-a consideration of more than 

Indians, and f specially those populous and stationary tribes, had 
rigid and exact; nor 
_- ,-nsure. Indian nature, 
peculiarly under the control of custom. 

ordinary force in an Indian 

This system of clanship. 

to it, was of very wide preva 

vith the rule of descent usually belonging 
Indeed it is more than probable that 
i every t~"~~ 

inflexible and unmalleable, 

Established usage took the place of 

o tribunal to expound or enfoi 

it\ . and a willingness to yield to 
prompt to aid each other in distress, and 
exhibited among them. When a young v\ 
i of the village suppl 

:n these wild democracies 
form— a respect for native superior- 
were always conspicuous. ,\ll wore 

-wood for the 

llage joined in building them a house. 
vor gave a feast if they could; if not, 
• sufficient." tXote— Of this particular characteristic special 
notice is taken in the Relation of 1CM, which offers as evidence of tho 
fact the following statement: "As often as we have seen tribes broken up, 
towns destroyed and their people driven to flight, we have seen them to 
■— r eight hundred persons r ived with open 

citable hosts who gladly gave them aid and ofti 
i. part of the lands already planted, that they n 

__ the Mis 
of its existence in by far the 
greater number. It is found also among the Dakotas and other tribes 
west of the Mississippi, and there is reason to believe it universally prev- 
alent as far as the Rocky Mountains and even beyond them. The fact 
that with most of these bonis there is little property worth transmission, 
and that the most influential becomes chief with little regard to inherit- 
ance, has blinded casual observance to the existence of this curious 

. , the 

,nd political institutions, seemed a 

- less conspicuous among 

•e the number of totems 

formed the foundation of the policy of 

s of the nature and super- 

3 zealous to analyze their 

5 of the seventeenth cen- 

id their political 

mg the kindred 

N'achez, who, judged by their 
detached off-shoot of the Toltec famil; 
the roving Algonquins of th< 

is almost countless. Everyw 

all the tribes, where a polity could be 

The Franciscans and Jesuits, close stud' 
stitions of the Indians, were by no means 
organizations and government. In the mic 
tury. the Hurons as a nation had ceased to exis 
portraiture as handed down to us is careless and 
plain" • 


tribes, there 

poor; yet while there was food in the village, the meanest and the poorest 

need not suffer want. He had but to enter the nearest house and seat 

himself by the fire, when, without a word on either side, food was placed these chiefs, though great 
before him by the women. (Note— Father Brebeui also adds bis personal 
testimony to this statement, being in fact very emphatic in praise of 

eived opinion, these Indians, like others of their 

_r harmony and s 
Contrary t" "" " 

of four distinct con 
addition of the Tioi 
by chiefs, 
these chief 
ai ter; ther 

of the great Feast of the Dead, the direction o 

nnnished; yet s 
n was a confederacy 
" i by the 

trading voyages to o 

when living in communities, were of a very social disposition. 
Besides their incessant dances and feasts, great and small, they were 
continually visitine, spending most of their time in their neighbors' 
houses, chatting, talking, bantering one another with witticisms sharp, 
J ~"-ite, yet always taken in good part. Every 
; wordy tournaments, while the shrill laugh 

r chiefs equal in rank, 

broad and ___ . 
village had its adept: 

; squaws, untaught to blush, echoed each hearty jest c 
"— of the savage communities in the 

ispicuous continually appeal 

of their influence depended ( 
of their personal ability. Each nation of the confederacy 

iods grand count ils of i 

In the organizatior 


wn— is sub-divided i 

Each nation 
! are usually 
>t locally sep- 

._ he people; and at these a 

chiefs and principal men voted and propc . 

sticks or re. -ds, the opinion of the plurality ruling. 
The foregoing facts, as quoted from the ' ' 
from the writings of Champlain, Sagard, Bressa 


gives evidence of some diversity, for which the general all had their influence in forming the character and 
conditions and surroundings were, of course, responsible, directing the energies — that is, so far as necessity corn- 
There was noticeable, for instance, a different state of pelled, but no further. The Indian in fact, as found, was 

affairs prevailing among those living in localities where 
game and provisions were plentiful than there was with 
those not so satisfactorily established; thus super- 
abundance, lack of sufficiency, relations with neighbor- 
ing tribes, nearness to rivers or large bodies of water, 

t previously i 

Each nation bore the r 
is being kne 
' named afte 

of this league, 
er, the well-kno\ 
ows: "The char 
is, is composed o 
e guided by r — 
fiercest beast: 
hich do hono 

which inhabit th( 

uiihority. Jonathan 

ferocity and gentle- 
1 they hold 
Is, and are 
Indians are 
will watch 

partake with them t 
■In contradh-tin 
have been tinctured 
after a long absence 
insensibility, he is 

In illustration of this characteristic, 

Naudowessie ■ 

age. The par 
child that the: 
mon rigour as 
the death of tl 

the cla 

,i tun . and we shall 

llienee tile pangs of 

i the gratification of 
to those whom they 

(withstanding the 
vife and children 

s of blood to 

dried up 1 
tot how to i 

p imagined t 


unable to support itself in the country of spirits both she 
had been apprehensive that its situation would be far fro 
sooner did she behold its father depart for the same vla.< 
loved the child with the tenderest affection, bu 
would be able to provide plentifully for its su 

; happv tinder the , 
ly one -'-' 
ith then 
l I had just i: 

implanted either by natu: 
in hers. ' 
the tree o 

laid, and after cutting off a lock of her hair and t 

of the actions he might have performed, had his life bi . 
to be her favorite theme; and whilst she foretold the fa 
attended the imitation of his father's virtues, her % 
suspended: 'If thou hadst continued with us. my dei 
cry, 'how well would the bow become thy hand, and h 
arrows have proved t 
have drunk their bloo 
have requited thy toi: 

ind thy father had i 

f danger 

ured by example, t 
never experiences a moment s allay. Though slo 
their store of provisions remains unexhausted, ; 
distance, they are indefatigable and persevering ii 
or in circumventing their enemies. 

"Though they are artful and designing an 
advantage, if they are cold 
in the extreme eiC 
, they might 

it ( 


ired, appeared 
at would have 
seemed to be 
a,' would she 
ital would thy 
wouldst often 

of i 

of discovering their sentime 

he same time boast of posses 

•e, of the sagacity i " 

i attachment to t 

in forming part of t 

eminently a child of Nature, and as such subject to fre- 
quent and ungovernable moods. To him, therefore, 
things looked entirely different than to the cultivated 
eye. Nature had no artistic merit; its manifold beauties 
failed in excessive charm ; its strange and wonderful gifts 

inhabitants of any other country. Tiny combine as if they \< 

i who have dra 

r without g 


they bear for their country, 
honor of their tribe and the 
predominant emotion of th< 

all theii .... 

they brave every danger, endure the 

triumphing in their fortitude, not a; 

"From these also flow that ins 
whom they are at war, and all the ei 
name, their uncultivated minds being 
of an action in opposition to their p 
to the control of reason or humanity 
furies within any bounds, and conse 
which would otherwise do them hone 

Of their manners and customs I 
women place their children soon af 
with soft moss such as is found in 
laid on its back in one of these kin 

timber. To these machines they fastt 
to trees; or if they find no trees at 
stone while they transact any needfu 
children kept for some months. Win 
jffered to go naked, and the girls 

elfare of their nation is the first 
hearts; and from hence proceed 
nd their vices. Actuated by these, 
nost exquisite torments, and expire 
a personal qualification, but as a 

i happy; but no 

i good hunter and 
ban she ceased to 

are and protection 

iiained uimra.iilied, 

t conduct con- 

ne particles of 

. still lingered 
to the foot of 

land, "fasten 
business. In 

roduce the story of 
a preceding chapter: 

the death of their favorite fndi: 
of grief -"■'■ 

shift and 

"The Indians are e 

and action; there is nothing that hu 
' iveteracy ' 

ground ' 

theii " 
i danger of 


eradicated. 1 

taking c 

If i 


intercepted and c 

>ws. The child is 
being wrapped ii 
lall bent pieces 0} 
h they hang them 

s position are the 

. the neck to th« 

•ate in every word 
m into any intemperate 
fiioh is rooted in every 
all other instances they 
i not to betray on any 

i to whoi 

,, .eiilereil himself obnoxious, he does not inform him 

explicit terms of the danger he runs b\ pursuing the track near v 

his eiioim lies in wait for him: bin lie first >lly asks him which 

he is going that day. and alter receiving his answer, with the : 

indillerence tells lii tii that lie has 1 ii inlornied that a dog lies ueai 

" night probablv do him a mischief. This hint pi 

of his 

ivoids the danger 

my had been pointed out. to 

aoathy often shows itsell 
•vor of a susceptible mind. 

and friends many months 
wife and children meet hin 
[ affectionate sensations v 

more refined beings, and 
hut continues his course v 
till he arrive ' ' 

■illi a 

» if e 

ind hi 

on occasions that would call forth 
If an Indian has been absent from 
either in a war or a hunting party; 
some distance from the habitations, 
hich would naturally arise in the 
le productive of mutual congratula- 
ithout paying the least attention to 

as ii 

s acquaintances v 

■ had I 

home. He here 

. day, 
do th* 

down, and v 

3 have followed him 
;eral hours before he relates to thei 
him during his absence', though perha 

been unsuccessful in the undertaking that 

"Has an Indii.. 
other laborious expediti 

im from his home, 
in the chase or in any 
ued thus long without 


t of their enemy 

, and by accident 
„ „ t the hut or tent of a menu wneie tie Knows ma 
wants may be immediately supplied, he takes care not to show the least 

svmi s of impatience or betray the hunger by which he is tortured; 

but on being invited in. sits down and smokes his pipe with as much 
composure as if every appetite was allayed and he was perteetly at ease; 
he does the same as if among strangers. This custom ,s si , „ngly adhered 
to bv every tribe as thev deem it a prool ot fortitude, and think the 
reverse would entitle them to the aonellation of old women. 

"If vou tell an Indian thai his childicit have greatly signalized them- 
selves against an eiictiiv, having taken many scalps and brought home 
iirtnv prisoners be dees not appear to feel any extraordinary pleasure on 
the ;,, casioti his answer generally is. 'it is well,' and he makes very little 
further inquiry about it. On the contrary, if you inform htm that his 
children are slain or taken prisoners, he makes no complaint, but only 

r other people gre 

i bounding roe, and 
. they pos- 

tions to whom his visit is intended, ai 
ely retire to the other end of the hut 
e near enough to interrupt them durinj 
Indians discover with amazing sagacit 
liness anything that depends on the 


lay unheeded save when crudely applied in cases of 
absolute necessity. There was in fact no sign of appre- 
ciation in that higher sense which marvels at and glories 
in the strange and mystic revelations, which as a rule 
appall into veneration the most sceptical and indifferent. 
Where among enlightened peoples such apathy per- 
tains — when Nature's charms, the foliage, the flowers 
and a hundred similar wonders which give forth in last- 
ing cadence the melody of life, go unappreciated — you 
will invariably find a gross and sodden intellect, from 
which condition, unhappily, poor human nature is not 
yet entirely exempt. 

But the Indian, though failing in many of those 
essentials so requisite in a cultured and artistically appre- 
ciative sense, had his own views of the character and 
purpose of Nature's manifold and wonderful gifts. To 
him it was as the page of an open book in which he read 
and learned. He gazed into the arching brow of Heaven 
and read his way unerringly over the trackless waste; 
his every sense was trained to an infinite nicety, enabling 
him to forestall the coming storm; his ear drank in each 
sound — the moaning wind, the snap of twig, the purr of 
animate life, the self-complaisant twitter of birds at rest, 
or the short, sharp cry of the brooding mother driven 
from her young. For him each blade of grass, each leaf 
had its story, guiding him along his way through the 
treacherous wilderness, or leading him safely from the 
presence of a fierce and vengeful foe. He was in verity 
Nature's child, but in whom was embodied a sad admix- 
ture of good and evil. He was strong, patient and self- 
reliant, but not progressive. No distance seemed too 
great, no undertaking too arduous for accomplishment, 
had he an empty larder to replenish or vengeance to 
mete out. But when it came to progress he knew not 
the meaning of the word. He believed, or at least took 
it for granted, that the world owed him a living, and that, 
having been put here, it was bound to furnish him with 
one. He noticed the beasts; they toiled not, neither 

did they spin, yet lived and lived well. Was he not as 
good as the beasts? Should it cost him more exertion 
to live than they? Thus from his standpoint, it was not 
a matter of degradation to place himself upon a footing 
with the lower animals in order that he might prove his 
right to a life of ease and indolence. Herein arose the 
belief, undoubtedly, that it was incompatible with the 
dignity of his station to labor, and hence the fallacious 
deduction that squaws were made for that purpose. 
Before the white man as a warrior he stood in awe, 
though his opinion of him when engaged in more peace- 
ful and domestic pursuits was one of unmeasured con- 
tempt. The Indian lived as he believed. Sufficient for 
the day was his motto; and as a result, when he ate he 
would do so with repletion, but failing in food would 
starve with resignation. Cleanliness was another word 
which to him revealed no meaning; while dirt, being 
part and parcel of his very existence, was regarded as 
one of his personal belongings. 

In their first relations with the whites, the things 
most craved by the savages were hatchets and metal 
kettles. The latter were particularly in demand, being 
used in lieu of those unglazed pottery, wicker or wood, 
which had heretofore served that purpose. 1 A part of 
the food used was cooked upon coals or roasted upon a 
stake, although the greater portion, perhaps, was boiled 
in cauldrons. This, owing to the destructive character 
of the vessels, was accomplished by throwing heated 
stones into them, the act being repeated until the food 
had been brought to a satisfactory condition for con- 
sumption. Of the character of the food itself it is need- 
less to treat, although perhaps well enough to say that 
the Indian's dietary code consisted in eating all he could 
get, even though failing in getting all he could eat. As a 
rule, the Indian family subsisted on one meal a day, 
although no restraint was placed upon a member whose 
natural cravings for food demanded more frequent relief. 
In their idea of dress, 2 the aborigines also assumed 

which Europeans are strangers. For instance, they will cross a forest 
or a plain w 1 1 i . 1 1 is tun hundred niilis in livojiuth. and reach with great 
exactness the point ,at which they intended tn arrive. Keeping during the 
whole of that spare in a. direct line, without anv material deviation, and 
this .they^will do with the same ease, whether the weather be fair or 
vill they point in that pan of the heavens 

intercepted by clouds c 

cloudy. With equa 

the sun is in, though 

they are able to pursue with incredible facility the 

beast, either on leaves or grass; and on this accou ' ' 

culty a flying enemy escapes discovery. They are indebted for these 

aand of the 
nitted atten- 

1!. 'Sides 

es of mi_ ._ 
vith great diffi- 

plenty of a mote estimable ehararter. Having I 
indulge this indolence to which they a>'e so prone 
sleeping and rambling about in their towns or ear 
obliges them to take the Held, either to oppose ; 
themselves food, they tire alert and indefatigable. 

(1) In his work upon the Indian tribes, published in 1\S2. Morse, in 

1 of 

id their methods of cook 

bark kettles generally roast theii 

stick that is sharpened at both ends 

:." This they 
• *> the 

not only to i 
nteueclual faculties, wh 
:ion and by long expe; 
-etentive memory; they 

'round a.t a. little distanee from the lire, with this pole, on which the n 
s liM'i] nil-lining towards the tire, on this stick the meat is occasionally 
urned when one pari becomes sullieiently roasted." 

Carver savs the Xaudowossh s mat" nets in whirh they boil their 
victuals, from a. certain black clay or stone which resists the effects of 
"" i they roast, if it is a large joint fl- 

ing their hunting p 

\ delirious, ii is immediately presented to the oldes 
They never suffer themselves to be overburdened with 

state of perfect tranquilit; 

such as a beaver, they fix it 

as Europeans do. on a spit 

•ood, and placing the ends or 

forked props, now and 

f the piece is smaller, they 


act and slanting position, wit 

h the 

meat no lining inwards 

tly change the sides till ever 

v part is sullieiently roasted. 

tr dishes in which they serv 

their meats, and their 

out of the knotty excrescenc 

es of 

the maple tree or any 

ley fashion their spoons with 

lerable degree of neat- 

equire much less trouble tha 

l the 

larger utensils) from a 

med in America spoon wood, 

and i 

vhich greatly resembles 

en of every nation differ in 


dress verv little from 

who trade with the Europeans. These exchange 
shirts and other apparel, whirh they wear as 
rressitv. The latter fastened by a girdle around 


peculiar views. They wore clothes because they afforded 
comfort and convenience and not for the reason that 
they covered and concealed the person. Therefore the 
breech-cloth and half-skirt proved sufficient for all ordi- 
nary purposes, while the children were allowed to attain 
considerable age before being encumbered with any 
clothing whatsoever. On state and special occasions, 
however, these people were wont to shine in a resplend- 

ency of fur and feathers, while rings, necklaces and 
girdles of beads and claws and headgear of strange and 
weird device added greatly to the impressiveness of the 
scene. Proud, willful, overbearing, but stoically brave, 
the Indian discovered one weak and especially contempt- 
ible side to his nature: They were foolishly, grovelinglv 
and insanely superstitious. 1 At any time and under any 
conditions the omen or foreboding came. A bird, an 

parts of their bodies. Tho 
either at the wrists or col! 
They throw their blanket 1 
upper side of it by the t 

ir shirts never make them fast 
iuld be most confining to them. 

I hen .- 1 ■ ■ ■ 1 1 1 1 1 • ■ r -■. ;iim| holding Hi' 

*- one hand, and - 
it in their village 
i covering. Thos 

i considerable length. On these have given birth 
__... feathers of various colors with silver or ivory 
quills. The manner of cutting or ornamenting this part of the head 
distinguishes nations from each other. Tiny paint their faces red and 

Labors of Father 
Region." "' 

it is certain that they do not follow, "s 

observe some Jewish customs; for they have certain feasts a 
do not make use of a knife to cut the meats which have 
" m with their teeth. Their women, als 

child, have ttie custom of not entering for c 

allowed during all 

digem. They only 
-"- t which they 

black, which they esteem as greatly ornamental; they also paint them- 
selves when they go to war; but the method they make use of on these 
occasions differs from that wherein they use it merely as a decoration. 
The young Indians who are desirous of excelling their companions in 
finery, slit the outward rim of both their ears; at the same time they 
take great care not to separate them entirely, but leave the flesh thus 

month the cabin 
that time 
them. For this 

5 the low 
draws the amputated rim 
draws it almost down to 
be excessively gay and 

them to bore their noses and wear in them pendants of different sorts. 
Sea-shells were much worn by those of the interior parts, and reckoned 
very ornamental. They go without any covering over the thigh, except 
that before spoken of, around the middle, which reaches half way to the 
thigh; but they make for their legs a sort of stocking either of skins or 
of cloth. These are sewed as near to the shape of the leg as possible, so 
as to admit of being drawn on and off. The edges of the stuff of which 
they are composed are left annexed to the seam and hang loose for about 

with embroidery and porcupine quills curiously colored. Their shoes 
made of the skins of the deer, elk or buffalo, these being sometir — 
dressed according to the European manner, at others with the hair 

l ther 

the feet and convenient for walking. The edges around the ankles 
decorated with pieces of brass or tin fixed around the leather strings 
about an inch long, which being placed very thick, make a cheerful noise 
either when they walk or dance. 

The women wear a covering of some kind from the neck to the 
with Europeans wear a linen garment the same 
l, the flaps of which hang over the petticoat. 

: the ; 


__s those of the men. They differ from each other in the mode o 

their heads, each following the custom of the nation or band 

they belong, and adhering to the form made use of by their 

from time immemorial. The women of every nation generally place a 

spot of paint about the size of a crown piece against each ear; some of 

them put paint on their hair, and sometimes a small spot on the middle 

of the forehead.— Carver. 

While discussing the topic of dress it may be well to briefly refer to 
' ". by the Indians for decorating their dwellings, as 


artistic appearance of their homes. In the 

tells us that they first obtained pules of a proper 

they at first fastened near to their ends with bands 

then raised, the bottoms being spread as wide as 

a larger area to the interior. To these upright, or 

were added two at stated distances, which not onl 

of those already placed, but in addition ser 

the building. On the outside of this frame 

or deer, previously sewed together, and of su 

the entire frame, hut also lap over enough 

than to the comfort and 
ion of the latter he 

•ngth. two of which 
f bark. These were 
possible so as to give 
rat Iter inclined, poles 
y formed the support 
the exterior frame of 
of elk 

i fro 

i the 

obtained of the number of skins required for this . 
fact that the tent occupied by the chief warrior of the 

Naudowessies to which Carver particularly refers was not less than forty 
feet in circumference. 

In building thc> observed no regularity in the arrangement of their 
tents, placing them as best suited th'eir convenience. Another kind of 
dwelling adopted by the natives was a hut, the frame of which was made 
of pliable poles which — 

These were then lashed together and covered wit 
rushes, or of birch bark. These huts or cabins 

place of 




On sum. 


large nit 

in hi 

ng made of platted 
thout windows or 
m which took the 
m in storm it became necessary to close these 
ante exceedingly troublesome. Of the interior 
aid that they were composed largely of skins 
ws on the ground, upon which the family lay. 
the floor space was not sufficient to accommo- 
elevated frames were built, upon which the 

uperstitions of the Indian much has been written 
t to those who have already made or desire to 
' " t people. From z 

principal divinities the Indians acknowledge the Great 
Hare, the Sun and Demons; I mean those who have not been converted. 
""'— most frequently the Great Hare, as they venerate and adore 
Jthor of light, ~ 

They i 

him as the creator of "the earth ; also the Sun a 

they also put the wicked spirits among the number of their gods, and if 

, _ jund this snongy 
r part, they twist brass wires till the weight Ind: 
tto a bow of five or six inches diameter, and 
le shoulder. This decoration is esteemed to 

because they fear them, and i 

they beg of them life. Those among the 
"' " men) speak of the 

French call jugglers (medicin. ___. 
insult in regard to war and the chase. 

--my other divinities to whom they pray, and 

devil whom they c 

"They have t 

who, they claim, reside in the air, on the land and beneath the "earth. 
The gods of the air are thunder, lightning and in general all visible 
objects that they cannot comprehend, for instance, the moon, eclipses and 
whirlwinds. The gods of the land consist in malign nit and injurious crea- 
tures, especially serpents, tigers and other animals or birds with animal 
claws. They also comprise under this head such animals as are extraor- 
dinary in their kind for beauty or deformity. The gods beneath the 


nimbilicusi sucinng. They hat 

who pass the entire winter without eating, 

only from_ the substance they extract from their 
— "--- regard for such animi 
they invoke when thev 
dreamed of them in their sleep. 

"For such like Invocations they get up a feast consisting of ea 
or tobacco, to which the Sachems are invited, and the host decla: 
their presence the dream he had. They do this whenever they offei 
sacrifice feast in honor of the Manitou of which they dreamed. At 
feasts one of the head men makes a speech, and i 

to which the feast i 
merciful to 
meat that i 
needs!' All 
prayer is fi: 
us. There ; 

: family; gran 

, he addresses it in the following words: 'Be 
h kind Of 
him all he 
i until the 
imen' with 
it all there 
it you like 

whom the 

chorus 'O! 
This '0' means the same with them a 
who at such feasts oblige the guests t 
s. utners again do not oblige you to do so; you may eat 
nd take the rest home. 

the Great Tiger i 

i the god of the i 

Algonquins and others speaking the same language call ' Michipissy' (or 
Missibizi. or Mishibi ji, pronounced Meo-shoo-be-/heo> given respectively bv 
Father Allouez in the Relation of IffT and Bishop Baraga. They tell you 
a. very hollow cave; that he has a large tail 
it in going to drink; but 
t tempest. On the voyages they 

which excites great winds wheneve 

are obliged to make, be they long or short, they invoke him in the fol- 
lowing manner: 'Thou who art master of the winds, favor our voyage 
nd give us calm weather.' This they say while smoking a pipe of 
' i the air. However, before 
i sure to tomahawk some 
Oftentimes also they vow 
to rue sun or iaKe, uress sums of elk. hinds or bucks in order to obtain 
good weather. If in the winter they have to make a voyage on the ice 
they invoke for this purpose a certain spirit called by the Algonquins 
Mateomek, to whom they offer the smoke of tobacco, praying him to be 
propitious and favorable to them on their journey. But this devotion is 
practiced with considerable carelessness, the little fervor they have then 
not nearly approaching that which they have at solemn feasts. 

"fhe Xipissings, the Amikouas and all tribes allied to them, assent 

__ .eft Lake Huron and 
Bd the French River; when water was begin- 
1 some dams in said river, which are now 
t he came to the river which rises in lake 
nd followed several other rivulets and creeks 
He then came to the river which issues from the 
where he went to work again and constructed dams in 
those places where he did not find enough water. These are now the 
roads and rapids where a person is obliged t 
thus spent several years in his voyages he 

They say that t 
entered a certain river i " " 
ning to fall he constri 
rapids and portages. T 
Xipissing he crossed ov< 
which ho pass _J 

take portages. Having 

vith childr. 


, and i 

died -s 

; had 

. penetrai 
Finally he arrived 
some dams. Turn 
beautiful lake. La 
is buried north of 
bles the shape of a 
they 'The 

the' air to honor 1 


animal, an accident of the most trivial character, seen 
under even ordinary conditions, were at times sufficient 
to fill him with an awful and overpowering dread. 
Under such conditions he became uselessly inane and 
absolutely despicable. Even the most well-meaning and 
friendly-disposed at such times fell beneath the ban of 
this unconquerable fear, as many a missionary father 
could, testify. In this regard one writer says: "The Jesuit 
missionaries among the Indians soon learned that some 
of the most embarrassing- conditions of their residence 
and some of the most threatening dangers to which they 
were exposed— thwarting their efforts at conversion and 
keeping their lives in momentary peril— came from the 
superstitious suspicion of the natives. Cases of indi- 
vidual disease did not alarm them, but anything like an 
epidemic, contagious or prevailing malady, they always 
ascribed to an evil charm. They bent a lowering gaze 
upon the missionary as he went on his errands of mercy, 
suspecting him of communicating disease. Often did 
these zealous fathers, in cunning secrecy, draw the Sign 
of the Cross on the forehead of the sick infant; for even 
Baptism came to be dreaded under some circumstances, 
as if also that were a charm. The darker passions of 
treachery and revenge, cherished animosities, cunning 
watchfulness for opportunity to gratify a grudge, and 
the practice of dissimulation were, of course, as human 
proclivities, found in their full power among the men of 
the woods." Here, then, among these people, 'midst 
squalor, untidiness and filth, nauseated with vile odors 
and pestered with vermin, the missionaries — men of cul- 
ture and refinement— endured a painful and horrible 
existence, in order that the light of Christianity might 
be shed throughout the world. One of the most formi- 
dable features in the way of opposition with which the 
earliest missionaries met in their endeavor to evangelize 
the Indians, were the medicine men and magicians, who 
maintained a powerful sway over the minds and actions 
of the people. The medicine bag was, in fact, an indis- 

pensable belonging, for which every male Indian ex- 
pressed the greatest reverence and respect. Into this 
bag or receptacle went a variety of things — watch, clock, 
compass, bell, drug, or in fact any article which, by 
reason of its ingenious construction or some other 
marked peculiarity, led them to believe in its wonderful 
power for healing; hence it took the place of amulet, 
fetish or charm, with which the superstitious of other 
lands were wont to ward off imaginary evils or mete 
revenge upon a hated foe. Another prominent feature 
in the character of the Indian was his fearful ferocity, 1 
for which, of course, the conditions and surroundings 
among which he had been reared were largely account- 
able. With this characteristic were closely intertwined 
those of the many superstitions upon which his life and 
actions were almost entirely based. There is, indeed, 
much to be said in extenuation of his many acts of cru- 
elty, the perpetration of which relegated him in the 
minds of the majority to a sphere far below that for 
which the most ordinary specimen of humanity is usu- 
ally judged. It must be said in his favor, however, that 
these brutish and ferocious instincts were not aroused 
to a special point of aggression in their depredations 
against the whites, for all who fell into their hands suf- 
fered alike. Their continuous warfare with neighboring 
tribes and factions was hardly to be wondered at when 
we remember the unceasing state of embroilment 
attained by the peoples of civilized Europe; while the 
cruelty exhibited by them, when compared with that 
dealt out by Christian to Christian under the guise of 
law and authority, promulgated for the good and protec- 
tion of the people, loses much of its atrociousness. 

The cruelty of the Indian had nothing of the selfish 
or artificial about it, but was inflicted upon his vic- 
tim with an energy so unhesitating and emphatic 
as to leave no question whatever as to the motive 
involved. It was with the instinct rather of the 
beast, with creature eyes and senses, that he wrought 

the first one who finds it on the entrance to his tent picks it up and 

carries ]( t . , tli,. master of tin- family, who immediately causes a collection 
of victuals to be made for this poor person, because he is mindful of 
their ancestors; am] the people of Unit village club together with a good 
will to make a present to him who has done tin in the homo' of reminding 
them of their origin (namely that they are descended from the Great 
weaver) Ihey do not piadioe these tilings among the French, as they 
ridiculed both them and their superstitions." 

On the subject of Indian superstition, Parkman also writes at con- 
siderable length, among other things saying: "A belief prevails vague 
but, perteetly apparent, that, men themselves owed their tirst parentage to 
beasts, birds or reptiles as bears, wolves, tortoises or cranes; and the 
names of the totemic dans, borrowed in nearly every case from animals, 
arc the reflection of this idea. This belief occasionally takes a perfectly 
ueimiie -hope. Thete was a tradition among Xnrlhern and Western tribes 
that men were created from the carcasses of beasts, birds and fishes by 
Manabozoho.^ The Amikouas, or People of the Beaver, an Algonquin tribe 
> of the great original 

tion was very prevalent, and numerous examples of it occur in old and 
recent writers from Father le Jeune to Capt. Carver). This solicitude 
was not confined to animals, but extended to inanimate things. A remark- 
able example occurred among the Hurons, a people comparatively 
advanced, who, to propitiate their fishing nets and persuade them to do 
their office with effect, married them every year to two young girls of 
the tribe with a ceremony far more formal than that observed in the case 
of mere human wedlock (this ceremony is frequently alluded to by early 
writers, who ascribe a similar practice to the Algonquins of the Ottawa 
as well as the Hurons. It is also referred to in the Relation of 1639 by 
Lalemant. who gives the time of its annual occurrence as the middle of 
March. At this ceremony, it was deemed indispensable that the brides 
should be virgins, so that n 

i chosen. The net was held 

s harangued by one of the chiefs, 
jxhorted him to do his part in furnishing the tribe with food. Lale- 

between them; and i 

■ife, and warning them that unless they could find him another 
equally immaculate, Ihey would catch no more fish). The fish, too, no 
less than the nets, must be propitiated; and to this end, they were 
addressed every evening from the fishing camp by one of the party chosen 
for that function, who exhorted them to take courage and 1 

s Tour to the> Lakes, in which he mentions the discompose, 
of a party of Indians when shown a stuffed moose. Thinking that its 
(spirit would be offended at the indignit\ shown to its remains, they sur- 
rounded it. making apologetic speeches ami blowing tobacco smoke at it 
as a propitiary ottering). The bones of the beaver were treated with a 
' special tenderness, and carefully kept from the dogs lest the spirit of the 
dead beaver, or his surviving brethren, should take offense (this supersti- 

assuring them that the i 

. respect should be shown to their bones. 
The harangue took place after the evening meal was made in solemn 
form- and while it lasted, the whole party except the speaker were 
required to lie upon their backs, silent ?ud motionless around the fire. 

intemperate warmth, there i 
t be eradicated. 


out his existence. By instinct he traced his way whose ability to search out the most vulnerable and 
through the fathomless forests, knew the seasons, susceptible parts of the body was only equaled by the 
located his quarry, or found or avoided the foe. It care and success with which they prolonged the life and 
must also be remembered that while the Indian's attack agony of their victim. In this particular, however, they 
upon the enemy was covert and mysterious, his inten- showed more than the usual consistency, preparing 
tions never were. There was no velvety covering to the themselves from earliest infancy to undergo a similar 
sinewy and aggressive hand; his hatred was outspoken, ordeal with fortitude, should they be called upon to do 
defiant and all-enduring; his blood-thirstiness and desire so. Of this Lafitua says: "The heroism is real and is 
for revenge unquenchable; his patience in following out born of a grand and noble courage. That which we 
a purpose inexhaustible. That the lives of so many admire in the martyrs of the primitive church and which 
good and pious men should have been sacrified to the in them was the work of grace and miracle, is nature in 
whims of such a people is deplorable indeed; yet not to the savage and comes from the vigor of their spirit. 
be wondered at, for the prejudice born of ignorance, The Indians seemed to prepare themselves for this from 
was aroused more fully in condemnation by the fiendish the most tender age. Their children have been observed 
exhortations and covert allusions of the medicine men, to press their naked arms against each other and put 
who saw in the kindly acts and ministrations of the mis- burning cinders between them, defying each other's for- 
sionary a rivalry which threatened their very existence. titude in bearing pain. I myself saw a child of five or 
That the Indian was remorseless in his enmity is six years old, who, having been severely burned by some 
plainly to be seen in his methods of reprisal. So deep, boiling water accidentally thrown upon it, sang its death 
indeed, was his hatred, that he would even follow his song with the most extraordinary constancy every time 
foe beyond the tomb, despoiling him if possible of his they dressed the sores, although suffering the most 
privileges in the hereafter, which to the Indian's untu- severe pain." "To this," says another writer, "is to be 
tored mind makes torture and even death a welcome added the profound admiration, as for a consummate 
boon. The use of the scalping knife and tomahawk, so virtue, which they have for the tortured warrior whose 
abhorrent to the civilized mind, then was but a result of nerves do not flinch under his agonies, and who raises 
inordinate superstition. Thus among other beliefs was cheerily the paean of his scornful triumph." 
one that if a body — be it white or red, friend or foe — Of the many ingenious devices for tortures invented 
be despoiled of the scalp, the soul of the deceased would by the Indians, La Hontan, a voluminous as well as 
be forever deprived of entrance to the happy hunting frequent authority, writes at length. One case to which 
grounds and participation in the many delights to be he particularly refers in this connection occurred during 
thus obtained. It was, therefore, their object to maim a the war between the French and Iroquois, which was 
fallen enemy, not only that he might be eternally waged with much brutality on both sides. The incident 
debarred from the privileged future vouchsafed to all occurred in the earlier part of 1692, at which time Fron- 
good Indians, but that it might be the cause of menace tenac, then Governor of Quebec, had sent out a force 
and lasting sorrow to the members of his family. In the of one hundred and fifty men under the command of 
art of torture 1 the Indians also proved past-masters, Chevalier Veaucour, with fifty friendly Indians, who in 
an engagement with a party of sixty of the enemy had 

(1) Of this peculiar feature of Indian education, Carver tells us that . ... , .. , , , , , ,, , , , __:_,»_,_..„ <- , 

captured prisoners are compelled to sing their death song, which gen- killed all but twelve, WllOm they brought as prisoners tO 

erally consists of these or similar senti-iics — [ am going to die. I am _ , TT . . . ,. ,, r 

about to suffer; but i will hear the severest tortures mv enemies can Quebec. Upon their arrival there the (jovemor at once 

inflict with becoming fortitude. I will die like a brave man and I shall , , . , . , . , . 

then go to join the chiefs that have suffered on the same account. These condemned tWO of the worst OI the prisoners tO be burnt 
songs are continued with necessary intervals until they reach the camp 

where they are going. Those of the prisoners who are decreed to be put alive with a slow fire. A number of the settlers, among 
to death by the usual torments are delivered to the chief of the warriors, 

and such_as are to be spared are given into the hands of the chief of the them beingf his wife, expostulated with the Governor 

5 is irrexn- :,[,k- .iii.l to,- all lime settled in the minds & 

This sent, tier is irrevoeablv and for all time settled in the minds 

XLir^r^V^ 2SBS %Ztt&£lS2&n££ wire" in behalf of the prisoners, to all of which, however, he 

advanced in life and had acquired renown by their warlike i 
reserved for the fire. This was considered an honorable disti 
could be claimed by none but to whom it by right fell as they v___ 

readily to bejrecogni!edibyimar k sunon _ their breasU and ^rms, which terab j e conviction that such measures, even though 

which 1 

:his was considered. an honorable distinction and turned a ^af ear, expressing it to be his firm and una! 

previously been dipped i 

wnd of. L S nkTwhich P had beenmade^ot soot having the appearance of being harsh and extreme, were 

representing some heroic action on the part of 11, •. 1 ± l .1 r • 1 i 1 

the warrior thus decorated. The place of death was generally located in an absolute neCCSSUV 111 Order tO both irigllten ailQ 

the center of the camp, where, having been stripped, their bodies . T , , , , . it , , , 

blackened and the skin of a crow or raven fixed on their heads, they impress the IrOCIUOlS, who had burnt, With but te\V 
■were bound to a stake and compelled to sing their death song for the . . . 

last time. This song consisted of a recital of their many deeds of bravery exceptions, CVCrV rrciichman who had fallen llltO their 
and the number of enemies they had destroyed, the language used being r 

of the character evidently intended to irritate and torment their insultors. hands. The Governor's ultimatum having been given, 
This is done with a view to arousing them to such a pitch of fury that & ° 

they are induced to at once dispatch their unhappy victims and thus missionaries were at once sent to the doomed men ill 

relievethemof the horrors of a prolonged and terrible death. One instance mibblUHdl ies> uul dl UllLC scut iu uic uuuuicu 

to 8nM? toJraent 11 that\hey we""* ignorant 1 oTwomen and ffiot ° rdel " that the y mi g ht be afforded the benefits of religion 

know how to put prisoners to death, which aroused them to such a pitch „„,i u„ A,,Ur nrennrerl W thn awful inrl imnenrlinf 

of fury that they quickly ended his suffering. ana be amy preparea ior tne awiui ana impending 



change. But when told that they were to die, they sent 
away the good fathers and at once began to sing their 
death song. Of the tragedy which followed La Hontan 
writes: "Some charitable person having thrown a knife 
to them in prison, he who had the least courage of the 
two thrust it into his breast and died of the wound 
immediately. Some young Hurons of Lorette, between 
fourteen and fifteen years of age, came to seize the other 
and carry him away to Cape Diamond, where notice was 
given to prepare a great pile of wood. He ran to death 
with a greater unconcernedness than Socrates would 
have done. During the time of execution he sang con- 
tinually that he was a warrior, brave and undaunted; 
that the most cruel kind of death could not shock his 
courage; that no torments could extort from him any 
cries; that his companion was a coward for having 
killed himself through the fear of torment; and lastly, 
that if he was burnt, he had this comfort that he had 
treated many French and Hurons after the same 

The Indian was ever an eager and passionate gam- 
bler, 1 much of his repressed exuberance finding vent in 
that peculiar and fascinating pastime. But this source 
of amusement, like many others of his attributes, was 

carried to such an extent that it became an absolute 
vice. Once entered upon a game, and should the fortune 
of the hour go against him, the limit was only reached 
when nothing was left to him with which to back his 
opinion. So intense was the passion, in fact, that when 
driven to desperation, the squaws even were used as 
merchantable commodities and made the stake. The 
games resorted to at such times were naturally crude and 
peculiar, but even then the same principles of alertness, 
quickness of motion and general deception prevailed, as 
those which mark the methods applied to all phases of 
the gambler's art in modern times. Sticks and stones 
were manipulated with marvelous skill and adroitness, 
and an intensity of interest pervaded each changing 
feature as the game progressed. In feats requiring 
strength, agility and skill, the Indians were also wonder- 
fully versed and perfect. But even in the midst of these, 
to them enjoyable events, the entire conditions were not 
in perfect harmony unless some act of cruelty, the mag- 
num opus of the Indian mind, was introduced. 

But these kindred amusements were but companions 
of the sedentary hours spent by the savage among the 
lodges of his tribe. As the hunting 2 season approached. 

_r adverse to their 

interests, be it said in tluir favor that they neither murmured nor 
repined, but bore the frowns of fortune with philosophical composure. 

Says another authority: "They amused themselves at various sorts 
of games, but the principal and most esteemed among them is that of 
the ball, which is not unlike the Kui'o],oan game of tennis. The balls they 
use are rather larger than those made use of at tennis and are formed 
-■" i. piece of deer skin; which, being moistened to render it supple, is 

c, they take home with them to their 
"" "i they may afterwards find 

season's hunting the winter of isid :'u, engaged in by the Sauk and Fox 
Indians. These two nations, he tells us, had at that time five traders, 
nployed nine clerks and interpreters with annual salaries of from 
'" average about ;;::; 

) hundred dollars 

there is fixed a kind of racket resembling the palm of the hand and 

fashioned of thongs out from the deerskin. In these they catch the ball 
and throw it to a great distance if they are not prevented by some one 
of the opposite party, who fly to intercept it. This game is generally 

played by large emi ies that sometimes consist of more than three 

hundred; and it is not uncommon for different bands to play a game 
against each other. They begin by fixing two balls in the ground at 
about six hundred yards apart and one ol these goals belong to each party 
of the combatants. The bail is turned up high in the center of the 
ground and in a. direct line between the goals, towards which each party 
endeavors to strike it. and whichever side first causes it to reach their 
1 goal reckons towards the game. They are so exceedingly dexterous 
tally kept flying in different 
'ouching the ground during 
.._ much vehemence that they 
frequently wound each other and sometimes a bone is broken." 

There is another game also in use among them worthy of remark, 
and this is the game of the Howl or Platter. This game is played between 
) persons only. Each person has six or eight little stones, not unlike 
shape except that they are iiuadrangular: 

tinted States factory r 
Indians during the sea 

Mwards. collected from the Sauk and Fox 
acks. which consisted as follows: beaver 
. i::.lln; musk-rat. 12,900; mink, 500; \ ' 

: dee,-, 28.680; total, 60,082. The estimated value 
$;,s.Min. In addition to this, it may be stated that 
led from the deer was 286,800 pounds 

i India 

3,000 pounds of feather 
interestingly a 

Of the same subject Carver also writes n_ . . . 

"Hunting is the principal upation of the Indians; they are trained t 

it from their earliest youth, and it is an exercise which is esteemed no 
less honorable than necessary towards their sustenance. A dexterous and 
resolute hunter is held in nearly as great estimation by them as a dis- 
linguishcd warrior. Scarcely any device which the ingenuity of if ' 

discovered for ensnaring or destroying those animals v"' 
with food or whose skins are valuable to Europeans i: 

"Whilst they are engaged in this exercise " 
peculiar to their nature, and become active, -- 
They are equally sagacious i 

supply them 

lake off the idoletlce 
/ering and indefatigable.. 

the peach stone either 
two of the sides of which 

they throw up ' ' 

are colored black and the < 

.... from whence they fall into the bowl or platter 

itly and made to spin round. Accordingly as these stones 

'.de upwards, they reckon the game. The 

. ._ destroy it. They dis ... 
pursuit of, although they are imperceptible to every other eye, and c 
follow them with certainty through the pathles" '" 


, and for thei; 

s that the India 

, of -s 

appointed by c 

cerned in the party, ant 

ing the play the India 

r yields his t 
a whole village is 
3 band plays against another. 

if.h the Europeans f. 

deer, the moose, the carriboo, the bear, the b 

tortious, addio-sing thomsehos at the same time 1_ 

with imprecations the evil spirits that assist their successful antagonists. 
At this game, some will loose their apparel or movables of their cabins 
and sometimes even their liberty. Nevertheless, there are no people in 
the universe more jealous of the latter than the Indians are. 

(2) Of this particular feature of Indian life, Morse writes: "They 
leave their villages as soon as their coin, beans, etc., are ripe and taken 
care of, and their traders arrived and given out their credit for their 
outfits on credit), and go to their war 

buffalo, the elk. the 
r, the marten, 
they usually take for this purpose, and the parties that 
usually go on the different expeditions are fixed in their general councils, 
which are held sometime in the summer when all the operations for the 
ensuing winter are concluded, 
regulate their proceedin 

o thos 

iveral days.' Tl 
enables them freely to dr< 
they shall find the great 

j superiority, r 

I him 

reasons given for those fasts 
i, in which dreams they are informed \ 
: plenty of game; and i " 

by fasting 

hand. The 

5 and induces them to t 

being ended and the olace of lnmtitui mad. ]■ 
to conduct them gives a grand 
parties, of which none of the... _. 

themselves. At these leasts, notwithstanding thai 'hey 1 
long, thev eat with great moderation, and the chief that pr 
himself in rehearsing the feats ,,f those who hay,- been i, 

on the march towards the plan appointed, pain'ed or ra 
with black, amidst the acclamations of all the people. 

"It iS impossible to desclil 

are in pursuit of thei 

r prey; neither thickets, ditches, 


a marked change was to be observed on every hand: 
the listlessness and apathy of weeks and months were 
cast aside, while active preparations for the coming 
event were noticeable everywhere. Scouts were sent out 
in different directions to note the approach or location of 
the quarry; weapons were examined with careful solici- 
tude, footgear was made in readiness, while the squaws 
also prepared to accompany the hunters, in order that 
they might dress and otherwise care for the flesh of the 
animals slain. The day preceding the exodus of a hunt- 
ing party was noted by the observance of certain rights 
-which were supposed to result in many propitious 
omens. The elders of the party were also wont to resort 
to their medicine bags for solace, while the younger and 
-untried fretted in undisguised aversion at their enforced 
restraint. The time having now arrived, the party moved 
forward, led by those whom previous seasons of experi- 
ence had wrought into matchless specimens of the 
hunter's craft. To them the wilderness, with its far- 
reaching and pathless wastes, was like the reading of an 
open page. Never for one moment were they at a loss 
as to the proper course to pursue, and when in haste 
and the gathering glooms found them still upon the 
way, the stars gave magic council, which ever led them 

id th( 
they cannot overtake. 
"When they hunt for bears, they endeavor to find out their retreats, 
for during the winter these animals conceal themselves in the hollows of 
the trees or make themselves holes in the ground, where they continue 
without food whilst the severe weather lasts. 

"When the Indians think that they have arrived at the place where 
these creatures usually haunt, they form themselves into a circle, accord- 
practice, and moving onward endeavor, as they advance 
•eat of their prey. By this means, 

od, they are sure of arousing 

with their bows or their guns. The bears 
)f a man or a dog and will only make 
y hungry or after they are wounded, 
ting the buffalo is bv forming a circle, 
! manner as when they search for the 
stations, they set the grass, which at 

take to flight at the sight 
stance when they are extreme 

"The Indian method of hur 
b square, nearly in the sam 
'. Having taken their differs 
\ and dry, on fi: 

and these animals v 

fearful of thai element, flying with precipitation before it, great number 
are hemmed in a small compass and scarcely a single one escapes. 
• different ways of hunting the elk. deer and the 

)ods to which they retire during 
s easily shot from behind f 

the I'n.s'i'i 
being hea\ 

hey kill them out in the 
of the cold, where they :__ _ . 

e great northern climates they take advantage of the weather 
te elk: when Hie sun is strong enough to melt the snow, and 
the night forms a kind of crust on the surface, this creature. 
>aks it with its forked hoofs and with difficulty extricates 
*" is soon overtaken and 

this time, ther 

a. method of hi 
mger. The h' 

■cry easily 

nting : 

nting party divides itself into 

the borders of some river, one party 

board their .■amies, whilst the other, forming themselves into 
irele on the land, the hanks of which reached the shore, let loose 
rs and by these means lousing all die game that lies within these 
they then drive I hem tow aids the river, into which they no 
'iter than the greatest part of them are immediately dispatched 

S when the> 

vith the pursuit that they voluntarily 

ndians. particularly those who inhabit 
hemselves and from which they reap 
er hunting. The season for this is 
April— during which 

the greatest adxahla 

;st perfection. The hu 
Those generally practiced 

right. For the hunt all necessary details had been pre- 
viously arranged, so that it was thoroughly understood 
by each individual of the party whether a general and 
concerted rush was to be made upon the game or 
whether they were to be surrounded and slowly driven 
by converging lines into a snare or pitfall prepared for 
the occasion. In this undertaking, too, the utmost pre- 
caution was taken by means of a well-regulated system, 
to prevent any misunderstanding or subsequent dis- 
agreement among the hunters. Thus when the number 
and character of the animals surrounded or given 
chase to made it desirable to obtain as many as possible, 
those so badly wounded as to be unable to get away 
were left unheeded, while the pursuit was continued. The 
chase ended, each brave returned to his own, his pro- 
prietary right being made evident by the character or 
marking of the weapon used in its destruction. In days 
prior to the coming of the white man among them, the 
Indians exerted most scrupulous economy in the dis- 
posal of provisions, putting every particle of the animals 
killed to some good and suitable use. Under the exam- 
ple of the invader, however, this most desirable trait 
soon became as a lost art, the Indian veritably outrival- 
ing his unworthy preceptors in unnecessary extrava- 

ith their tails c 

do this they make a great 

'-" ':> put the whole fraternity on their gcard. 

' i Hie following manner: Though the 

s by beating the 1 
■ — their gua 
a foilowii _. 
s of provisions i 

"They take them ... 
heavers usually lay up a sufficient store of provisions to serve for their 
sustenance during the winter, they make from time to time excursions to 
the neighboring woods to procure fin ther supplies of food. The hunters 
having found out their haunts, place a trap in their way baited with 
small pieces of hark or young shoots of trees, which the heaver has no 
sooner laid hold of than a large log of wood falls upon him and breaks 
his back. His enemies who are upon the watch soon appear and dispatch 
the helpless animal. 

"At other times, w 
foot thick, they make a 

the beavers will soon hasten on being disturbed at their houses for a sup- 
ply ot fresh air. As their breath occasions considerable motion in the 
waters, the hunter has sufficient notice of their approach and methods are 
usually taken for knocking them on the head the moment they appear 
above the surface. 

"When the houses of the beavers happen to be near a rivulet, they 

3 easily destroyed. The hunters then cut the ice, and separating 

gled and 
i long as they will s 

sharp and strong. 

"The Indians take great care to hinder their dogs from touching the 
bones of beavers. The reasons they give for these precautions are: First, 
that the bones are excessively hard, that they spoil the teeth of the dog, 
and secondly, that they are apprehensive that they shall so exasperate 
the spirits of the heaver by this permission as to render the next hunt- 

"When the Indians destroy buffalo, elk. deer, etc., they generally di- 
vide the flesh of such as they have taken among the tribe to which 'they 
belong. But in hunting beaver, a few families usually unite and divide 
the spoil between them. In the first instance, they generally pay some 
attention in the division tc their own families, but no jealousy or mur- 
muring.-; are ever known to arise tn account of an\ apparent partiality. 

Among the Naiuhuvessie 

i shoots a de 
considerable distance before ii drops, where 
t sticks a knife 

a per 

i-onsiih red as the property of the latter, notwithstanding it had 
mortally wounded by the former. Thoti-h this -iisimii seems to he 
trary and unjust, yet that people cheerfully submii to it. This dec 
is, however, very different from that prm-i b-eil b\ the Indians on the 
of the colonies, where the first person that hits it is entitled to the 

"Of another peculiar device in huntiiu:, Drake u-ives the folio 

which the Ma\llower hrou-ln ov >r the forefathers. Xo\einber. Pijn, ti 

shores of Plymouth, several 

learn what the country conta 

were apprised in their ende; 

puzzled and lost our way. . 

young spirit was bowed dov 

underneath. Stephen Hopkit 

we were looking at it. William Bradford being in the rear, when he came 
looking upon it also, and as he went about it gave a sudden jerk up 
and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was a very pretty 
device, made with a rope of their own making and having the noose as 

t had ho. 


gance. These hunting expeditions were of periodical' 
occurrence, and on occasion necessitated the under- 
taking of long and tedious journeys, owing to the 
character and condition of the game. For instance, the 
ranges of buffalo, moose, carriboo, mountain sheep, elk 
or otter were limited at times, while bear, deer and 
beaver were more general in location. On returning, 
therefore, from one of these expeditions, when the tro- 
phies of the chase were numerous and the journey home- 
ward long, the braves would come to the relief of the 
squaws, assuming a portion of the burden, or would, 
perhaps, cache what they were unable to carry. 

In warfare 1 the Indians maintained an unwritten code 
of rules which, with the exception of occasions where a 

general surprise was meditated, regulated the matters of 
challenge, truce and settlement of tribal disputes. 

A raid or expedition once determined upon, an im- 
mediate change took place. Runners were sent to neigh- 
boring and friendly tribes, councils were held, oratory 
was resorted to and aggressive alliances were formed. 
Oratory, especially on such occasions, proved no small 
test of a warrior's standing among his tribe and asso- 
ciates; not indeed that the gift of eloquence was the 
only requisite, but rather it was the direct and forceful 
argument coming from one who had proved by deed 
his right to a voice in the council that obtained the 
most respectful hearing if not entire approval of those 
present. Falsifiers, braggarts and blusterers were of 

Labors," pri'\ imislv referred I 
the, Indians in which a certai 
crating to the pretended divi: 
also exhibiting at his feet the < 


their language 'Pindikoss 
the skins of owls, snakes, w] 
rare animals. They have also 

e (hence the name 

feast they always fast without either eating 
had a dream. During this tasting, they black 

"There are other feasts 
kind of adoration is practiced 
ty, not only the meats of the feast, 
l leather bag which they call 

Thus he goes backward and forward several time 
tiruiatiniis and when he passes before the guests, 

ground on both sides facing each other, they a 

discord, shouting in < 

i voice, 'Ouiy, Ouiy, 
throats! But the most remarkable thing in thei 
ain parts of his song lie pronounces two 

the bottom of t 

which c 
and otht 
ders to be used 

blacken themselves, as has been said with coal; but if they dr 
the Great Hare or of the spirits of the air, the> wash themselv._ _. 
then besmear tin mselves with black earth; from that very evening they 
begin the 

_. .hree syllables a great 
deal faster than the rest; when this occurs all present do the same, 
answering. 'Ouiv.' quiekcr, observing the temp,, win, li the cadence re- 
quires. This is observed so regularly that out of five hundred assembled 
not one is found to fail therein. 

"All the women, children and in general all 
invited to the feast go V 
the solemnity. They lost 
w iguams. which they thu 
who are naturally prone to sieanng. 

•'After the master of the feast has got through walking 
; posture he had heretof 

of the feast. 
"The author of the feast inv 
feast and they have to sing witl 
of which they have dreamt and f 
merly, when they had no guns, they used to 
(public imitations to the least) as there 
boiling the different meats. Then the ai 
■vitll his two assistants who are daubed 

red. This 

s solely sung 

,,, companions to assist him at the 

in order to propitiate the divinity 

' the ceremony is intended. For- 

— ~"e as manv proclamations 

ge kettles on the fire for 

the feast begins to sing 

tincture of 

t takes his pla 

i the village who are not 

order to be SDectators of 

tnd drinking and often abandon their 

posed to be plundered by oilier Indians 

id singing, 
One of his companions 
ich he saw performed 

s the r 

vociferating i 
seize burning 

which it is to be honored, 
during that night all those songs that are si 
inary deities until all of the guests are a-ssen 
ing assembled, the feast-giver begins to entoi 
longs to the god of whom lie dreamed. 

"The feast consists of dog meat, as the fh 
the best and most highly piized of a I 

of the divinity of which he dreamed 
or inanimate, has its own peculiar ~ 
praised and invoked). They continue singing only such warriors 

, ■horns with a \ erv si rong but 
tirehrai ,1s and throw them int. 
t going to tomahawk the spectat 

t which they pour 
will take notice that to render this feast 

whose bead is presented to the principal v 
-. distributed among the 

r of their imag- 
oled. All of the guests be- 
s alone the song which be- 

3h of a dog is considered as 

3. They had several other 

that of the bear, elk or of some other large 
they supply the deficiency with India 

object of li— 

o ..o have slain or captured an enemy are allowed 
These faints si-nitv that it is thus that he slow 

i the company, the latt 

mething to him win 

would cover him with shame. 

"During the singing of the: 
intrepid and ready "' ~ 

ght chance 

would tell him lief ire all present 
capable of slaying anybody, which then 

the plate of each guest. Yen 

ileiiin, there must be a dog 
chief; the other parts of the 

When the i 

fire and a herald makes public proclamation 

they take the kettles off the 

in the village to let people Know mat rne leasi is reaay ana mat now 
everyone may come. The men are allowed to come with their arms and 
the old men each with his plaite. 

"They are not ceremonious as to place, seating promiscuously, without. 
order wherever they like. Strangers are as welcome as the inhabitants 
of the place, they are even served the first and given the best things of the 
seated at his place, the author of this ceremony, 
standing, assisted by his two companions, his wife 

5 at first his voice so as to make 

at, saying that he offers these viands with 

ming him, and that it is to him he offers 

ards he uses: T adore and invoke thee that thou 

e in the enterprise I have on hand and that thou 

and my whole family. 1 invoke all the bad and 

rho are in the air, on the earth and underneath, 

and my party and that we may be able to re- 

hey have been in war. Winn they stop sing- 
present cry out in chorus. 'Ouiy.' After that 
after another, each in his turn, sometimes 
ten doing so, thev station themselves one at 
in the middle of the place where the feast is going on; 
and" walking from one end of the cabin to the other thev meet without 

l,,siii" a sin-le note of their sonsr. nor chancing the c Hums of their 

losing a^sin^t. ",>,__,, ,,_. t . |it , moment songs with different ges- 
answer in their turn whenever 
,e remarked that each man has 
one chant his comrade's song 

insulting him, which affront would draw the blow of the 

hawk" on the head of him who had thus 

that being the greatest i 

semhlage where he is present. This v 

e places wher, 

t certain intervals a 
continue to chant c 
or four together 

d body. Although they sin 
is. the guests follow the singim 
dancers pass before them. It r 
peculiar song, neither o~- 

r his death o: 

lawful to s 

days of solemnity 

s sung the war song of another, 
nerson could offer him in an as- 
r song of his cannot be sung even 
nless by those c" 

• . and that he knows that the o 

feast is being celebrated, it is 
ided the singer is not seated at the 
er of the song pretends to ignore it 

in ays t have 
good spirits 

an occasion of war 
mles. If a Frenchm 
bad spirits.' They pretend only 

they use in these invocations are so peculii 
can understand them. They usually have re 
they imagine to be the most powerful and who cat 
them than others. They even imagine that they 
cidents that may happen to them on the part of their 

personal ene- 

aot say, 'I invoke 

aod manitous. The. words 

that only they themselves 

' those spirits whom 

more propitio 

"When all present have chanted, those who have been chosen to 
upon the guests first take the plates of the strangers which they fill 
place before them. Thr- "" 
the chiefs and the str 
feast. They deal porti 

rvided with his own plate, 

1 thei ' 

! he a 


ng upon 
they have at the 
tions to the' other guests indiscriminately, without 
m all of whom are sitting upon the ground which 
ble, and there they hold the plate brought aloe" 
Everyone must come 

■ fail i 


r occasion like 

i the 

r other enemy 

the post- 
vs. his javelin or 
song and at each 
tions of head and 
t terrible that can be seen. All this is done, however, ac- 
?ertain rising and falling intlection of the voice; for both 
md the body accord at the same instant with the demonstrations 
■'- ourage grow- - 1 - 

Ifolled V 

ribcl. Tin 

rake a general march in 

parties, the leader makes 

who feel inclined 

... ..e would not be a< 

feasted them. Tin 


panied by a 

th earth c 

i starting, 

is out of danger or 

der has his fac 
is also very cai 

which shows that 1 

according to the 

to form s 
such as has just b 
meet there to be e 
single person if lie nau iiol moi 
according to his orders. As lor 
shnuldc rs and breast blackened \ 
ful to chant e 

where 6 he 11 makes aj 

^sfriSdthie h A'.«W3&£ -d tnosf vT accompanied 

him in his enterprise." 



little consequence on such occasions, although the word 
of caution was generally given a considerate, if impa- 
tient hearing. The night before their departure the 
braves devoted to hideous and diabolical performances. 
Says one writer on this subject: "The painted bedizened 
and yelling fiends lashed themselves into a fury of pas- 
sion, with contorted features and writhing gestures, 
striking their hatchets into the crimson warpost and 
imitating the laments and shrieks which they intended 
to draw from a mastered foe. The clatter of drum and 
rattle is in keeping with their tuneless music. Thus 
with all the aspect and array of devils they prepared 

loss sustained. Those of the less fortunate prisoners. 
however, were compelled to undergo the ignominy of 
running the gauntlet and torture at the stake. The 
means and implements of warfare used by the abori- 
gines for some considerable time after the settlement 
of the whites on this continent were necessarily crude, 
consisting of the bow and arrow, spear, tomahawk and 
scalping knife. The points of the arrows were skillfully 
formed from stones or bones, and when used in war 
were in many instances subjected to a coating of poison. 
Spearheads and tomahawks were also formed of a like 
material, while the stone-headed warclub, a frightful 

themselves to strike the blow. The aged and feeble, engine of destruction, was cleverly and securely bound 

women and children, were left in the lodges to await in 
dread the return of the braves; never, however, dis- 
heartening- them, but following them with rallying part- 
ing- cheers of praise and promise. The warwhoop is a 
phrase which has had terrific meaning for those who 

by thongs of hide to a flexible plaited handle. We are 
told that as early as 1613 the Indians received their 
first consignment of firearms from the Dutch, an act 
of treachery, which cost the French and English settlers 
in Canada and along the Atlantic coast most severely. 

have quailed before its pandemonium fury. True to their Becoming accustomed to the more deadly weapons, the 

proud kinship with the animals, the braves borrow 
from bears, wolves, owls and the rest, those shriekings 
and barkings, those howls and yelps, by which they 
strike a panic through their victims and to paralyze 
their energies." The return of the party was made 
equally noticeable with its departure, by the wailings 
and lamentations or shouts of exultation with which, 

Indian naturally enough gained confidence in himself 
and at the same time lost much of that awesome regard 
for the invader which a previous inequality in condition 
had so thoroughly inspired. 

W r ar is generally decided upon by the principal chiefs 
of the town or settlement which has a wrong to right or 
supposed injury to adjust. For this purpose he raises 

according to the success or failure of the undertaking, or lifts the war hatchet or club, but even then the head 

they are greeted. 

Occasionally, when prisoners were brought in, those 
of the tribe who had been bereaved were allowed io 
adopt 1 one or more in compensation, as it were, for the 

(1) When a war party returned to 

oners a herald was sent throughout tin 

to such as had lost any relatives in I 

desired they might attend the distribu.1 

take place. In arranging for this 

i losses t 

n additional membei 

vithout any dispute 

i their fam- 
■ disagreement 

who had 

others who simply desired to adopt 

ily. These divisions are carried on .._._ 

on the part of those making the selections, who then lead their newly 

acquired relatives or servants away, and, having unbound them, wash 

and dress their wounds if they 

clothe them, then serve them wi 

food their condition and supplies ^ 

tell them that 

Of their subsequent 

them; they 

: "Whilst thf 
er consolation 
;ath. they must 

be cheer- 
ng or repin- 
for the loss 

' th. 

iuld ■ 

great dange 

i agre 

falls to hi 
husband \ 

"When this is the case a number of 
captive to some distance and dispatch him without 
has been spared by the council they consider h 
quence to ' 
judged wt 

aged the iife of him who 

ei iallv if she fancies that her late 
of spirits to which he is gone. 


itl'ed to the torments allotted t 
: usually distributed to the l 

do not fail to meet with a favorable receptio 

s are adopted differs not in a 
ion to which they now belon 

1 places they supply. Should 

f these by chance make their escape and be afterwards r 
eemed as unnatural children and ungrateful persons wh 
nd made war upon their parents and benefactors, and a 

; considered 

chief or principal man of the nation may deem it prudent 
to step in and stop further aggression. If there still 
remains a difference of opinion, then the warrior goes 
forth, followed by all who favor his pretensions. It is 
rarely the case on an occasion of this kind that the town 
is unanimous, while the entire nation has never been 
known to be, the division generally being equal. When 
starting upon the war path, the head w 
gives notice as to where he will encamp, being accom- 
panied at the time of his departure by only one or two 
of his associates. The food supply of the war party is 
limited, generally consisting of a small quantity of 
parched corn and jerked meat. 

The purpose of this war dance was evidently to 
arouse within the breasts of the warriors a fitting condi- 
tion of hatred and passion, without which it was deemed 
the undertaking would lack many of the most essential 
qualifications for success. In the dance, however, they 
worked themselves into a state of mad excitement by 
continuous dancing, yelling and various contortions of 
face and body; on these occasions, too, and under cir- 
cumstances connected with them, every wrong which 
they had suffered at the hands of their enemies was 
brought vividly to mind for the purpose, as they put it, 
"of making the heart strong." To such a degree of 
animosity is this spirit worked among them that they 


finally arrive at a pitch when they become almost 
demoniacal, and are in a fit condition for the perpetra- 
tion of the most horrible and revolting crime. As an 
instance of this, we will quote an incident where, when 
under a similar state of excitement to that portrayed, 
a distinguished Dakota warrior shot a barbed arrow 
into the body of an Ojibway, who was dancing with the 
Dakotas, intending to join them on the war trail against 
their enemies. The only excuse offered by the perpetra- 
tor at the time when this outrage was committed, was, 

sleeping encampment of the Dakotas. They made their 
approach by a deep ravine which led through the high 
bluffs (which here bound the shores of the lake) on to 
the narrow prairie which skirts the water side, and on 
which was pitched the leathern lodges of the enemies. 
It is said that through the dim twilight the advancing 
warriors saw a woman step out of the nearest lodge to 
adjust the door covering, which a sudden gust of the 
rising, east wind had thrown up. She stood as if a 
sound had caught her ear, and she listened, anxiously 

that he wished to let out the hated Ojibway blood which looking up the dark ravine when she entered her lodge. 

flowed in the veins of his brother (who was said to be 
partly of Dakota extraction). Fortunately the shot did 
not terminate his life, and after a long and painful sick- 
ness he at last recovered and removed to the house of 
one of his Ojibway relatives on Lake Superior, to 
whom he poured forth the story of his wrongs. So 
powerfully did this affect them that they raised a war 
party to march against the encampment of the Dakotas, 
which was located on Lake St. Croix. While the war- 
riors of this party were in active preparation this Indian 
returned to his home among the Dakotas and interested 

She must have heard the measured tread of the advanc- 
ing warriors, but mistook it for the motion of the rising 
wind, and the dashing of the waves on the sandy beach. 
"Once fairly debouched on the narrow prairie, the 
Ojibways lost no time in extending their wings and. 
involving the encampment on the land side. When this. 
movement had been completed in perfect silence, they 
gradually neared the lodges of their sleeping enemies, 
and as they arrived within the proper distance, and the 
dogs of the encampment began to snuff the air and utter 
their short quick yelps, the shrill war-whistle was 

them with the description of his visit among his people, sounded by the leaders, and suddenly the dread and fear- 

and told them that a large party was soon to arrive to 
smoke the pipe of peace with them. This pleased the 
Dakotas and set at rest any doubts which might have 
remained in their minds as to the friendliness of the 
Ojibway nation towards them. Believing implicitly in 
the story as told to them by this warrior, they sent out 
messengers to their different villages, inviting the people 
to come and stay with them, and assist in the reception 
of the Ojibway delegation, and take part in the sports and 
amusements which were generally engaged in on such 
occasions. So they came in large numbers, encamping 
on the south shore of Lake St. Croix, and near its out- 
let into the Mississippi River. Furthermore, the Dako- 
tas, satisfied that the Ojibways were peaceably inclined, 
continued their hunting expeditions with unusual care- 
lessness, and failed to resort to previous methods always 
adopted when the presence of an enemy in their country 
was for a moment suspected. 

In the meantime the war party of the Ojibways 
arrived within a short distance of the Dakota camp; 
and from this point during the night they sent forth a 
party of young men who were fluent in the Dakota 
language to spy upon the encampment of that people. 
This they accomplished without difficulty, and having 
satisfied themselves thoroughly upon all necessary 
points, they returned to their party, informing their 
leaders that they had counted three hundred lodges. 
Of the scene which followed we take the following 
account from the writings of William W. Warren: "At 
the earliest dawn of morning they marched upon the 


striking war-whoop issued from the lips of hundreds of 
blood-thirsty warriors. Volley after volley of bullets 
and arrows were fired and discharged into the defense- 
less tepees, and the shrieking and yelling of the inmates, 
as they became thus suddenly started from their sleep, 
made the uproar of the attack truly deafening. 

"Completely taken by surprise, the warriors of the 
Dakotas fought at a disadvantage; their women and 
children ran shrieking to the water side, and hastily 
jumping into their narrow wooden canoes, they 
attempted to cross to the opposite side of the lake. The 
wind, however, had increased in force, and sweeping 
down the lake in a fearful gale, it caused the waves to 
run high, and in many instances the crowded and 
cramped canoes filled with water and upset, launching 
the fleeing women and children into a watery grave. 

"After a long and unavailing defense, such of the 
Dakota warriors as had stood their ground were obliged 
to retreat. Thirty of their number are said to have fled 
under a ledge of rock, where, being entirely surrounded, 
they were shot down one after another." 

This is said to have been one of the most successful 
attacks of that period, it being estimated that over three 
hundred Dakota scalps fell into the hands of the Ojib- 
ways, while even more than that number perished in the 
waters of the lake. Thus it will be seen from how trivial 
and unnecessary a cause such terrible results were 
brought about. 

When the young men of a tribe are preparing to go 
to war, they have a peculiar course of treatment admin- 


isterccl to them. They are first of all put into a sweat- 
house made for the purpose, where they remain for four 
days, during which period they drink a large quantity 
of tea made from bitter roots; on the last or fourth day 
of their incarceration they come out and at once prepare 
to take the trail. For this they are supplied with a 
knapsack which consists of an old blanket that contains 
some parched corn, flour, jerked meat, and leather with 
which to patch their moccasins. In their shot-bags they 
carry a charm or protection against all ills, commonly 
known as war physic or war medicine, and which is com- 
posed of the bones of a snake and a wild-cat. The 
legendary story of this physic is, that a long time 
ago the wild-cat or panther devoured their people, and 
they set a trap for him and caught him in it, burned him 
and preserved his bones. The snake was in the water, 
and, according to the same story, the old people sang 
and he showed himself; they sang again, and he showed 
himself a little out of the water; they sang for the third 
time, and he showed his horns, one of which they cut 
off; and when he showed himself for the fourth time 
they severed the remaining horn. A piece of these 
horns, then, and the bones of the wild-cat or panther, is 
regarded as the great war medicine. 

According to Carver, Indians begin to bear arms at 
fifteen years of age, and unless absolutely disabled, con- 
tinue in active service, as it were, until sixty, when they 
lay them aside. This range of service, however, possibly 
only pertains to the more northerly tribes, as we have 
it from some authority that the warriors of the southern 
nations are considered exempt from military service 
when fifty years of age. In every band or nation or 
community, there is always to be found a select 
number of so-called warriors or fighting men, who 
are prepared on every emergency to take the field, 
or act in defense of the towns or settlements. To these 
the use of the bow and arrow, tomahawk, knife, war- 
clubs, or firearms were the weapons of offense and 
defense, the more modern of such, however, being lim- 
ited to those tribes located nearest to the settlements. 

But one exception to this general condition was to 
be found, and that in the tribes who lived in the far 
West, inhabiting the country extending down to the 
South Sea, who, always attacking their enemies on 
horseback, carried but one weapon, a stone of medium 
size and curiously wrought, which they fastened to a 
string about a yard and a half long; this string in turn 
was fastened to their right arms a little above the elbow. 
These stones they carried in their hands, until, approach- 
ing close to the enemy, they begun swinging them with 
great rapidity, using them so dexterously as to cause 
much havoc and discomfort among those thus attacked. 
So expert in fact were these people with this engine of 

warfare, and so swift the speed of their horses, that it 
but rarely occurred that people of other tribes who 
invaded their country ever returned to tell of their 
experience among - them. There was in fact but one hope 
for any who attempted such invasion, and that was to 
locate some morass or thicket, to which, if pursued, 
they could quickly retire; otherwise they were certain 
to be cut off. 

The majority of Indians, however, prior to the use 
of firearms among them, resorted to the use of the bow 
and arrow and short clubs; the latter were made of a 
very hard quality of wood, the head being fashioned like 
a ball and about three and a half inches in diameter. 
In this part of the club was deftly fixed a piece of steel 
or flint with a keen edge, which acted admirably in the 
capacity of a tomahawk. The dagger used at this time, 
and especially by the Naudowessie nation (to whom 
Carver particularly refers), was originally made of flint 
or bone, although in after years it was formed of steel. 
This dagger was about ten inches in length, the part of 
the blade nearest to the handle being three inches wide; 
both edges were kept exceedingly keen, the blade taper- 
ing gradually to a sharp point. This dagger was gen- 
erally worn in a sheath made of deer's leather, which 
was nearly always ornamented, and was hung by a 
string, so that the handle rested close to the breast. 
This weapon, by the way, was not in common use, being 
as a general thing worn by a few of the principal chiefs, 
who rather adopted it as much for ornamental purposes 
as for its usefulness as a weapon. As to the motives for 
war discovered among the Indians, they were found to 
be similar in many particulars to those prevailing among 
the people of more civilized nations. In this respect, 
however, Carver expresses it as his belief that the rea- 
sons given by the former were as a general thing more 
rational and just, than those advanced by Europeans, 
which were based largely upon vindictiveness and a 
desire for personal or national aggrandizement. In sup- 
port of this position he says: 

"The extension of empire is seldom a motive with 
these people who invade and commit depredations on the 
territories of those who happen to dwell near to them. 
To secure the rights of hunting within particular limits; 
to maintain the liberty of passing through their accus- 
tomed tracks, and to guard those lands which they con- 
sider from a long tenure as their own against any 
infringement, are the general causes of those dissensions 
that so often break out among the Indian nations and 
which are carried on with so much animosity. Though 
strangers to the idea of separate property, yet the most 
uncultivated among them are well acquainted with the 
rights of their community to the domains they possess, 
and oppose with vigor every encroachment on them. 


"Notwithstanding it is generally supposed that, from 
their territories being so extensive, the boundaries of 
them cannot be ascertained, yet I am well assured that 
the limit of each nation in the interior parts are laid 
down in their rude plans with great precision. By 
theirs, as I have before observed, was I enabled to regu- 
late my own; and after the most exact observation and 
inquiries, found very few instances in which they erred. 

"But," continues this authority, "interest is not often 
the most frequent or most powerful incentive to their 
making war on each other. The passion of revenge, 
which is a distinguishing characteristic of these people, 
is the most general motive. Injuries are felt by them 
with exquisite sensibility, and vengeance pursued with 
unremitted ardor. To this may be added that natural 
excitation which every Indian becomes sensible to as 
soon as he approaches the age of manhood, to give 
proofs of his valor and prowess. 

"As they are early possessed with the notion that 
war ought to be the chief business of their lives, that 
there is nothing more desirous than the reputation of 
being a great warrior, and that the scalps of their 
enemies and a number of prisoners are alone to be 
esteemed valuable, it is not to be wondered at that the 
younger Indians are continually restless and uneasy if 
their ardor is repressed and they are kept in a state of 
inactivity. Either of these propensities, the desire of 
revenge or the gratification of an impulse that by degrees 
becomes habitual to them, is sufficient frequently to 
induce them to commit hostilities on some of the neigh- 
boring nations. 

"When the chiefs find any occasion for making the 
war, they endeavor to arouse these habitudes, and by 
that means soon excite their warriors to take arms. To 
this purpose they make use of their martial eloquence 
nearly in the following words, which never fails to prove 
effectual: 'The bones of our deceased countrymen lie 
uncovered; they call out to us to revenge their wrongs, 
and we must satisfy their request. Their spirits cry out 
against us; they must be appeased. The genii who are 
the guardians of our honor, inspire us with a resolution 
to seek the enemies of our murdered brethren. Let us 
go and devour those by whom they are slain. Sit, 
therefore, no longer inactive; give way to the impulses of 
your natural valor; anoint your hair; paint your faces; 
fill your quivers; cause the forests to resound with your 
songs; console the spirits of the dead, and tell them 
that they shall be revenged.' " 

Animated by these exhortations, the warriors snatch 
their arms in a transport of fury, sing the song of war, 
and burn with impatience to imbrue their hands in the 
blood of their enemies. Sometimes private chiefs assem- 
ble small parties and make excursions against those with 


whom they arc at war, or such as have injured them. 
A single warrior, prompted by revenge or a desire to 
show his prowess, will march unattended several hun- 
dred miles to surprise and cut off a straggling party. 
Those irregular sallies, however, are not always ap- 
proved of by the elder chief, though they are often 
obliged to connive at them. But when a war is national 
and undertaken by the community, their deliberations 
are formal and slow. The leaders assemble in council 
to which all the head warriors and young men are 
admitted, where they deliver their opinions in solemn 
speeches, weighing with maturity the nature of the enter- 
prise they are about to engage in, and balancing with 
great sagacity the difficulties or inconveniences that will 
arise from it. Their priests are also consulted on the 
subject, and even sometimes the advice of the intelligent 
of their women is asked. If the determination be for 
war, they proceed for it with much ceremony. The chief 
warrior of a nation does not on all occasions head the 
war party himself; he frequently deputes a warrior of 
whose valor and prudence he has a good opinion. The 
person thus fixed on, being first bedaubed with black, 
observes a feast of several days, during which he invokes 
the Great Spirit or deprecates the anger of the evil ones, 
holding whilst it lasts no converse with any of his 
tribe. He is particularly careful at the same time to 
observe his dreams, for on these do they suppose will 
their success in a great measure depend; and from the 
firm persuasion every Indian actuated with his own pre- 
sumptuous thoughts is impressed that he shall march 
forth to certain victory. These are generally favorable 
to his wishes. After he has fasted as long as custom 
prescribes, he assembles the warriors, and holding a belt 
of wampum in his hand, thus addresses them : 

"Brothers! by the inspiration of the Great Spirit I 
now speak unto you, and by him am I prompted to carry 
into execution the intentions which I am about to dis- 
close to you. The blood of our deceased brothers is not 
yet wiped away; their bodies are not yet covered, and I 
am going to perform this duty to them." Having, then, 
made known to them all the motives that induce him to 
take up arms against the nation with whom they are to 
engage, he thus proceeds: "I have, therefore, resolved to 
march through the war path to surprise them. We will 
eat their flesh 1 and drink their blood; we will take 
scalps and make prisoners; and should we perish in this 
glorious enterprise, we shall not be forever hid in the 
dust, for this belt shall be a recompense to him who 
buries the dead." Having said this, he lays the belt on 
the ground, and he who takes it up declares himself his 


lieutenant, and is considered as the second in command; assembles the council, to which the ambassador is 

this, however, is only done by some distinguished war- invited. There, having laid the hatchet on the ground, 

rior who has a right by the number of his scalps to the he holds the belt in his hand and enters more minutely 

post. t into the occasion of his embassy. In his speech he 

The chief is now washed from his sable covering, invites them to take up the hatchet, and as soon as he 

anointed with bear's fat and painted with their red paint has finished speaking, delivers the belts, 

in such figures as will make him appear most terrible to "If his hearers are inclined to become auxiliaries to 

his enemies. He then sings the war song and enuraer- his nation, the chief steps forward and takes up the 

ates his warlike actions. Having done this, he fixes his hatchet, and they immediately espouse with great spirit 

eyes on the sun and pays his adorations to the Great the cause they have thus engaged to support. But, if 

Spirit, in which he is accompanied by all the warriors, en this application neither the belt nor the hatchet are 

This ceremony is followed with dances, the whole con- accepted, the emissary concludes that the people whose 

eluding with a feast 1 of dogs' flesh, reference to which assistance he solicits have already entered into an 

has already been made. alliance with the foes of his nation, and returns with 

There are also many other peculiar features con- speed to inform his countrymen of his ill success, 

nected with this feast with which the historian treats at "The manner in which the Indians declare war 

length, and many heresies on the part of the people against each other, is by sending a slave with a hatchet, 

which are thoroughly and interestingly explained. Thus, the handle of which is painted red, to the nation which 

for instance, we learn that with a view to inducing war- they intend to break with; and the messenger, not- 

riors to expose themselves more freely to danger, by withstanding the danger to which he is exposed from 

promising that any wounds received by them would be the sudden fury of those whom he thus sets at defiance, 

promptly treated and expeditiously cured, the priests or executes his commission with great fidelity, 

medicine men of the tribe, who are also their doctors, "Sometimes this token of defiance has such an instan- 

prepare a special efficacious medicine for that purpose. taneous effect on those to whom it is presented, that in 

Accompanying this undertaking there is more than the first transport of their fury a small party will issue 

the usual amount of ceremony, during which they collect forth without waiting for the permission of the older 

various roots and plants to which they pretend to impart chiefs, and, slaying the first of the offending nation they 

extraordinary powers of healing. Aside from this, how- meet, cut open the body, and stick a hatchet of the same 

ever, it must in all fairness be said that, although pre- kind as they have just received into the heart of their 

sumingly pretentious in their claims, these men had a slaughtered foe. Among the more remote tribes this is 

remarkable knowledge of many plants and herbs, the done with an arrow or spear, the end of which is painted 

application of which to different diseases they most red. And the more to exasperate, they dismember the 

thoroughly understood. body to show that they esteem them not as men, but as 

But to return to the subject of war and the Indian, old women." 
For' their manner of making arrangements for such, we As a general thing, when departing upon a venture of 
will again refer to the authority already extensively this character, the Indians prefer to go in small parties, 
quoted: "From the time the resolution of engaging in a thus avoiding the necessity of extra exertion which 
war is taken to the departure of the warriors, the nights would necessarily be required to provide subsistence for 
are spent in festivity, and their days in making the need- so large a number of people during their prolonged and 
ful preparations. If it is thought necessary by the nation tedious journeys either by land or water. They also 
going to war to solicit the alliance of any neighboring travel in what in modern days would be considered as 
tribe, they fix upon one of their chiefs who speaks the ill marching order, carrying only the most necessary- 
language of that people well and who is a good orator, baggage or provisions. In fact, the sum total of a war- 
and send by him a belt of wampum on which is specified rior's equipment consists of his weapons and a mat, 
the purport of the embassy in figures that every nation whilst he relies upon maintaining- himself in food by the 
is well acquainted with. At the same time he carries game he kills or the fish he catches while en route, 
with him a hatchet painted red. We have more than once referred to instances of 
"As soon as he reaches the camp or village to which great want of precaution on the part of the Indians when 
he is destined, he acquaints the chief of this tribe with advancing into the country of a foe, but it must in justice 
the general tenor of his commission, who immediately be said that these were exceptions; for, as a rule, when 
near or supposedly near to an enemy, they are most 

(1) As stated in a previous description, this feast is held in the ra1 ,ij m „, Pnccino- throiio-h a COUlltrv however, where 

tent or dwelling of the chief warrior, who in spite of the fact of his long CaUtlOUS. 1 assmg Uirou^u a luuuux, 

and enforced fast, refrains from eating and sits down opposite with his ,, . reason for annivhrllsii HI tlu'V arc extremelv 

pipe in his mouth, recounting the valorous deeds of his family. tney lia\ e no redsuu lui a\j\ji cuciioiun, lucj 


lax in this particular, their force being scattered over 
a broad extent of territory in search of game, and each 
party consisting of a very limited number. However, no 
matter how far the distance may be over which they 
travel on such occasions, the rendezvous is sure to be 
kept with business-like promptness, unless for some 
extraordinary or very substantial reason. While on a 
raid, it is a general custom among the Indians to locate 
their camp and pitch their tents before sunset. Here, 
perhaps, as much as anywhere, they exhibit a considera- 
ble want of judgment, as they take but little precaution 
to guard against surprise. Some allowance, of course, 
must be made for this owing to the peculiar superstitious 
belief which governs their actions, for they have an 
implicit confidence in their manitous or household 1 gods 
which they carry with them, and which they believe 
endowed with a power of protection far superior to that 
which human watchfulness could assure. 

When an Indian war party arrives at a point of dan- 
ger, these conditions are materially changed. Now the 
games are abandoned, loudness in conversation and 
jubilant shouts are hushed and camp fires extinguished. 
Instruction or information is conveyed from one to the 
other by means of signs, while with the caution and 
noiseless motion of a wild beast they glide from point 
to point, closing in upon surrounding, or avoiding the 
foe at will. As a rule the Indian makes his attack at 
break of day, at which time the foe is supposed to be 
enjoying the soundest sleep. Everything is arranged for 
hours before the advance is made; so that it is often the 
case that the attacking party he flat upon their faces 
throughout the entire night, and in that position 
approach still farther until within a bow-shot of those 
they are about to destroy. Then at a concerted signal 
given by the chief warrior, they give vent to a series of 
blood-curdling yells, and discharging a cloud of arrows 
upon their defenseless and unsuspecting foes, rush in 
upon them with knife and tomahawk and consummate 
the slaughter. 

This is the Indians' most improved mode of proced- 
ure, the chief deserving the most praise and consider- 
ation at their hands being he who can devise a plan 
whereby a surprise and attack may be accomplished and 
the most foes slain with the least loss to the attacking 
party. They, therefore, look with an entire lack of appro- 
bation on any system requiring the attack of an enemy 
in the open field, and this kind of warfare they at all 
times, if possible, avoid. So, too, upon arriving near the 
enemies' settlement, if they find him on guard and more 
strongly entrenched, and superior in numbers than 
anticipated, they at once, if possible, retire, no matter 

how long the distance they may have traveled to accom- 
plish his destruction. Their motto then is, "surprise and 
destroy," the success of which has been unhappily 
demonstrated on far too numerous occasions to those 
who were unacquainted with that peculiar style of 
warfare 2 . 

Of their adeptness in surprising, Carver says: 
"Though the Indians are negligent in guarding against 
surprises, they are alert and dexterous in surprising their 
enemies. To their caution and perseverance in stealing 
on the party they design to take, they add that admirable 
talent, or rather industrious qualification, of tracing out 
those they are in pursuit of. On the smoothest grass or 
the hardest earth, and even on the very stones, they will 
discover traces of an enemy, and by the shape of the 
footsteps and the • distance between the prints distin- 
guish, not only whether it is a man or a woman who 
has passed that way, but even the nation to which they 
belong. When they have overcome an enemy and vic- 
tcry is no longer doubtful, the conquerors first dispatch 
all such as they think they shall not be able to carry off 
without great trouble; and they endeavor to take as 
many prisoners as possible; after this they return to 
scalp those who are either dead or too much wounded 
to be taken with them. At this business they are 
exceedingly expert. They seize the head of the disabled 
or dead enemy, and placing one of their feet on the neck, 
twist their left hand in the hair; by this means having 
extended the skin that covers the top of the head, they 
draw out their scalping knives, which are always kept in 
good order for this cruel purpose, and with a few 
dexterous strokes take off the part that is termed the 
scalp. They are so expeditious in doing this that the 
whole time required scarcely exceeds a minute. These 
they preserve as monuments of their prowess, and at the 
same time as proofs of the vengeance they have inflicted 
on their enemies. 

"If two Indians seize in the same instance a pris- 
oner, and seem to have an equal claim, the contest 
between them is soon decided; for to put a speedy end 
to any dispute that might arise, the person who is appre- 
hensive he shall lose his expected reward, immediately 
has recourse to his tomahawk or war-club, and knocks 
on the head the unhappy cause of their contention." 

Should an Indian war party, after having accom- 
plished their purpose, discover that they are being pur- 
sued by a dangerously large body of the enemy, they will 

ihiijii i xtraordinary 

(2) When the Indians Pureed in their silent approaches and are able 
to force the rami) whirh they attark, a scene of horror that exceeds 
description ensues. The savage fierceness of the conquerors and the des- 
peration of the runriuered. who well know what they have to expect 
should they fall into the hands of their enemies, occasion the most 
extraordinary exertions on both sides. The figure of the combatants all 
besmeared with black and red paint and covered with the blood of the 
slain, their horrid yells and ungovernable fury, 
by those who have never crossed the *"- 

c— Carvei 

i be conceived 


use every means within their knowledge for distracting 
his attention, or drawing him away from the immediate 
route which they are following. In endeavoring to do 
this, they will sometimes scatter leaves or sand or dust 
over the prints made by their feet; will follow closely 
and evenly in one another's foot-steps, or at times lift 
their feet so high and tread so lightly as to leave no 
mark at all. If, however, they find all these precautions 
and efforts en their part to be unavailing, and the prox- 
imity of the pursuing enemy becoming dangerously 
near, they kill and scalp all of the prisoners they have 
with them, and then, dividing into small parties, separate, 
and attempt by different loutes to regain their own 
country. Of course, when the pursuers arrive at the spot 
where this final atrocity has been accomplished, they 
pause and generally return, feeling that further pursuit 
would be unavailing, while fully aware of the fact that 
even then it would be impossible for them to recover 
those of their family or friends whose release they had 
desired to obtain. But even in event of not being 
followed, the successful war party returns to its own 
country with as much rapidity as possible, and for that 
purpose, should a number of them have been severely or 
dangerously wounded, they are borne on litters roughly 
improvised from branches of trees; or, should it be in the 
winter time, they are drawn on sledges. These latter 
consist of two small thin boards about a foot wide when 
joined together, and are nearly six feet in length. No 
matter how heavily loaded, these sleds are of easy draft, 
being drawn by a string 1 which passes around the breast. 
During the return march prisoners are carefully 
guarded, while at night time, as a matter of extra pre- 
caution, they are stretched along the ground quite 
naked, with their legs, arms and neck fastened securely 
to hooks or stakes. As an extra precaution, cords 
attached to their persons are also held by an Indian, 
who in consequence awakens at the least motion made 
bv them. 2 

sed pretty generall; 

(2) There have 1 n install 

prisoners have been enabled to n 
length by Carver is as follows: 
usnallv taken bv the Indians it 
land that one of the weaker si 

5 of New Eng- 

settlements of Nl .. _ 
ity of one of the most exterior 
alped several people, found 

England. They located for some tim 
* is. and at length hai 
to take prisoner 

killed and 
i who had 

of Being satisfied with the 

. resolution worthy of the most intre 
"' *i get from her hands the m 

In this s 

) slip the 
. __j succeeded and, cautioning her son 
wnom they had suffered to go unbound, in a, whisper against being sur- 
prised at what she was about to do, she moved to a distance with great 
- — =—» weapons of the Indians which lay by their side, 
s she nut one of the tomahawks into the hands of 
example, and taking another herself. 

The Indians had but one idea regarding their ene- 
mies, that being, if possible, their absolute extirpation, so 
that such a subject as the exchange of prisoners never 
entered into their minds. There were, in fact, no half- 
way measures indulged in in the treatment of prisoners, 
who were in either one way or another put to death, 
adopted' by the tribe who had captured them as an equal 
and brother, or made slaves of. 

In the treatment of wounds, the Indians have proved 
exceedingly skillful and are able, we are told, by use of 
certain simples, to extricate splinters, iron or any sort of 
matter without making incision. The skin of the snake, 
which that reptile sheds annually, is also used by them 
to extract splinters. As a general thing, the Indiana 
are remarkably healthy, being subject to very few dis- 
eases, a majority of which are brought about by the 
fatigues which they endure in war or hunting, and the 
inclemency of the seasons, to which they are more or 
less exposed. The greatest of all causes, however, for 
indisposition on their part is that of gluttony; as a result 
of long and continuous fasting, they are troubled with 
pains and weaknesses in the stomach. They are also 
considerably addicted to pleurisy, as a remedy for which 
they apply a peculiar system of sweating. "The man- 
ners," says Carver, "in which they construct their stoves 
is as follows: they fix several small poles into the 
ground, the top of which they twist together so as to 
form a rotunda; this frame they cover with skins or 
blankets, and they lay them on with so much nicety that 
the air is kept from entering through any crevice, a small 
space being only left, just sufficient to creep in at, which 
is immediately afterwards closed. In the middle of this 
confined building they place red-hot stones, on which 
they pour water until steam arises that produces a great 
degree of heat. 

"This causes an instantaneous perspiration, which 
they increase as they please. Having continued in it for 
some time, they immediately hasten to the nearest 
stream and plunge into the water, and after bathing 
therein for about half a minute, they put on their clothes, 
sit' down and smoke with great composure, thoroughly 
persuaded that the remedy will prove efficacious. They 
often make use of this method to refresh themselves or 
to prepare their minds for the management of any busi- 

vith them their which 

with her a 

execution they had done, they i 
which lay at three hundred miles 
two captives. 

"The second night of their n 

take not, was Rowe, formed i_ 

hero. She thought she should be able t _ 

acles by which they were confined, and determined if she did s. 

a desperate recovery of her freedom. To this purpose when she concluded 

-ved t 

•ecover his arms made him sink under the 
weight of her tomahawk; and this she alternately did to all the rest 
excepting one of the women who awoke in time and made her escape. 

"The heroine then took off the scalps of her vanquished f ' 

and seizing also those they were carrying away 
their success, she returned in triumph to the to 

.... „3 proofs of 
whence she had 

mid i 

the hoy, bidding him to follow 

timonies she bore of her 

ig this custom is to be noticed in the fact 
been taken prisoner and received into the 
should he escape and return to his people, 
acknowledged by them. 


ness that requires uncommon deliberation and sagacity." 
The Indians are always subject to dropsy and paralytic 
complaints, although only in rare instances. For all 
such ailments, including fevers, they are liberal in the 
use of lotions and concoctions made of herbs, with the 
uses and purposes of which the medicine men are most 
thoroughly acquainted. But aside from the admitted 
value of the medicine, there are other courses to pursue 
in a case of sickness which are deemed equally essential 
by the patient and his friends. These consist of a num- 
ber of superstitious ceremonies, which are followed out 
with the greatest precision and attention to detail. The 
Indians can never be convinced that one is ill as long 
as he has any craving for food whatever, but as soon 
as he refuses food they become alarmed and immediately 
take measures to treat the case as a dangerous one. The 
duties of these Indian doctors are multifarious, they 
being not only regarded as actual and unquestionable 
authorities on all kinds of diseases and proper remedies 
for such, but they are also believed to be able, by means 
of such ceremonies as those referred to, to gain intelli- 
gence from the spirits regarding the cause of the com- 
plaints, thus still better enabling them to administer 
intelligently any case which may be brought to them. 
Cases are also quite numerous where patients believe 
themselves to be under the influence of witchcraft. In 
such instances the physician is always consulted. Then, 
of course, follow a lot of mummeries and incantations, 
with which the patient is suitably impressed. Notwith- 
standing these and the many other foolish measures 
adopted by these medicine men with which to impress 
their constituents, it seems to have been the opinion of 
more than one who has traveled among them and 
studied their peculiarities and characteristics that the 
actual exercise of their art is due to a well-grounded 
knowledge of the materials available as well as to an 
extensive experience in the treatment of similar cases. 1 

Peace, 2 we are told by Morse, is determined on and 
concluded by the head chief and his counselors, and 
"peace-talks" are always addressed to them. In some 
cases, when the resentment of the warriors runs high, 
the chief and his counselors have been greatly 

Most of the wars carried on amongst the Indians, we 
have been given to understand, are hereditary, the orig- 
inal feud, as it were, having been handed down from 
generation to generation, and so steadfast did the parties 

(1) Carver gives numerous incidents which satisfactorily illustrate 
the ability of the Indians to reason with much acuteness on the causes 
and symptoms of many of the disorders which are attendant on human 

nature, and their ability to apply with o.pial judgment proper remedies. 

(2) Viauswah, a wise and celelnati-d chieftain of the Ojibways. tried 
long and patiently to tiling about a lasting peace between his people and 
those of their hereditary foes, the Dakotas. His friends, we are told, were 
so far successful as to put an end by distinct treaty to the custom of 
torturing captives, which was still practiced by the Dakotas in the early 
part of the eighteenth century. And we are told that from the time that 
he effected this mutual understanding with his enemies this bad practice 
ceased altogether and the taking of captives became less frequent. 

on both sides become to the principles involved that 
even when it became necessary to arrange for peace 
both were exceedingly careful to avoid any appearance of 
having made the first advance. It is also a noticeable 
fact that no matter how much a chieftain may desire for 
such an arrangement, nor how badly his people are in 
need of it, he will, in discussing the matter with the 
enemy, lose no opportunity of forcing upon their notice 
the fact that it is to their, and not his interest that suit- 
able arrangements for ending the conflict should be 
completed. Once in a while, Carver tells us, incidents 
have contributed to bring about a peace understanding 
between nations that otherwise could not be prevailed on 
to listen to such terms, and as an instance of this he 
quotes the following: "About eighty years ago the 
Iroquois and Chippewas, two powerful nations, were 
at war with the Ottagaumies and Saukies, who were 
much inferior to their adversaries, both in number and 
strength. One winter nearly one thousand of the former 
made an excursion from Lake Ontario by way of 
Toronto toward the territories of their enemies. They 
coasted Lake Huron on its east and northern borders 
until they arrived at the island of St. Joseph, which is 
situated in the straits of Ste. Marie. There they crossed 
the straits upon the ice about fifteen miles below the 
Falls, and continued their route still westward. As the 
ground was covered with snow, to prevent a discovery 
of their numbers, they marched in single file, treading in 
each others' foot-steps. Four Chippewa Indians passing 
that way observed this army and readily guessed, from 
the direction of their march and the precaution they 
took, both the country to which they were hastening and 
their designs. 

"Notwithstanding the nation to which they belonged 
was at war with the Ottagaumies and in alliance with 
their invaders, yet from a principle which cannot be 
accounted for they took an instant resolution to apprise 
the former of their danger. To this purpose they has- 
tened away with their usual celerity, and taking a cir- 
cuit to avoid discovery, arrived at the hunting grounds 
of the Ottagaumies before so large a body moving in so 
cautious a manner could do. There they found a party 
of about four hundred warriors, some of which were 
Saukies, whom they informed of the approach of their 

"The chiefs immediately collected their whole force, 
and held a council on the steps that were to be 
taken for their defense. As they were encumbered with 
their families, it was impossible that they could retreat 
in time; they therefore determined to choose the most 
advantageous spot, and to give the Iroquois the best 
reception in their power. 

"Not far from the place where they then happened to 


be there were two small lakes, between which ran a ancient enemies; but, had they known their strength, 

narrow neck of land about a mile in length and only they might have destroyed every man of the party that 

from twenty to forty yards in breadth. Concluding that opposed them, which even at the first onset was only 

the Iroquois intended to pass through this defile, the inconsiderable and when diminished by the action totally 

united bands divided their little party into two bodies of unable to make any stand against them. 

two hundred each. One of these took post at the extrem- "The victorious bands rewarded the Chippewas who 

ity of the pass which lay nearest to their hunting had been the means of their success with a share of the 

grounds, which they immediately fortified with a breast- spoils. They pressed them to take any quantity they 

work formed of palisades, whilst the other took a com- those of the richest of the furs and sent them under an 

pass round one of the lakes with the design to hem escort of fifty men to their own country. The dis- 

their enemies in when they had entered the defile. interested Chippewas, as the Indians in general are sel- 

"Their stratagem succeeded, for no sooner had the aom actuated by mercenary motives, for a considerable 

whole of the Iroquois entered the pass than, being pro- time refused these presents, but were at length per- 

vided with wood for the purpose, they formed a similar suaded to accept them. The brave and well-concerted 

breastwork on the other extremity, and thus enclosed resistance here made by the Ottagaumies and Saukies, 

their enemies. aided by the mediation of the Chippewas, who, laying 

"The Iroquois soon perceived their situation and aside on this occasion the animosity they had so long 
immediately held a council on the measures that were borne those people, approved of the generous conduct 
necessary to be pursued to extricate themselves. Unluck- o\ their four chiefs were altogether the means of effect- 
ily for them, a thaw had just taken place which had so ing a reconciliation between these nations and in process 
far dissolved the ice as to render it impassable and yet of time united them all in the bands of amity." 
there still remained sufficient to prevent them from When a peace has been arranged for, a number of 
either passing over the lakes on rafts or from swimming chiefs of one of the parties, together with others inter- 
across. In this dilemma it was agreed that they should ested in the result, set out for the country of the enemy. 
force one of the breastworks, but they soon found them As a rule, these men are consulted for their own ability 
too well defended to effect their purpose. and great integrity. As an emblem of their office, they 

"Notwithstanding this disappointment, with the usual bear with them the Pipe of Peace, which is always 

composure and unapprehensiveness of the Indians, they treated with the greatest respect and veneration. In 

amused themselves three or four days in fishing. By fact, the instance is unknown wherein bearers of this 

this time, the ice being quite dissolved, they made them- sacred badge of friendship were treated disrespectfully 

selves rafts which they were enabled to do by some trees - or their rights violated. It is, in fact, a well-grounded 

which fortunately grew on the spot and attempted to belief among the Indians that the Great Spirit would 

cross one of the lakes. They accordingly set out before never suffer an infraction of this kind to go unpunished, 

daybreak, but the Ottagaumies, who had been watchful The Pipe of Peace, also called the Calumet, is about 

of their motions, perceiving their designs, detached one four feet in length, the bowl being made of red marble 

hundred and fifty men from each of their parties to and the stem of a light kind of wood covered with 

oppose their landing. These three hundred marched so curiouslv painted hieroglyphics in various colors and 

expeditiously to the other side of the lake that they adorned with the plumage of the most beautiful birds, 

reached it before their opponents had gained the shore, Each nation has its Peace Pipe, which is differently 

they being retarded by their poles sticking in the mud. decorated from that of others, but every nation is well 

As soon as the confederates arrived, they poured in a aware of such peculiarities and differences, and readily 

very heavy fire both from the bows and musketry on recognizes from its appearance the people from whom 

the Iroquois, which greatly disconcerted them ; the latter, the offering comes. The Peace Pipe, having arrived at 

finding their situation desperate, leaped into the water the encampment of the enemy and a council meeting 

and fought through the enemies. This, however, they having been gathered, one of those accompanying the 

could not do without losing half their men. After the thief of the visitors fills the pipe with tobacco mixed 

Iroquois had landed, they made good their retreat, but with special kinds of herbs, being exceedingly careful 

were obliged to leave their enemies masters of the held, at the same time that no part of it touches the ground, 

and in possession of all the furs they had taken during When the pipe has been properly filled, he then takes a 

their winter's hunt. Thus dearly did they pay for the coal that is thoroughly kindled from a fire, which is 

unprovoked excursion to such a distance from the route generally kept burning in the center of the council and 

they ought to have pursued, but to which they were only places it upon the tobacco. As soon as ignition has been 

impelled by a sudden desire of cutting off some of their properly performed, he removes the coal and their turns 



the stem of the pipe first towards the heaven and then 
to the earth, after which, holding- it horizontally, he, 
while standing in the center, performs a revolution 
which enables him to face every party seated within the 
circle. In making the first of these movements, he is 
supposed to present the pipe to the great spirit in sup- 
plication of his aid. By the second he endeavors or 
hopes to ward off any malicious designs or interposition 
on part of the evil spirit and by the third to gain the 
assistance and friendship of those spirits who are sup- 
posed to inhabit the air, earth and waters. Having thus 
propitiated all parties concerned, he presents the pipe 
to the hereditary chief, who, having taken two or three 
whiffs, blows the smoke from his mouth, first towards 
the heavens and then about him towards the ground. 
Thence it is passed to the ambassadors, the chief of the 
warriors and to all other chieftains according to their 
grade, each of whom observes the same ceremony as 
he to whom the pipe was first given. During this entire 
ceremony the pipe remains in the hands of the official 
who filled it, none other being allowed to touch it 
excepting with his lips. There are other ceremonies 
connected with the duties of an ambassador sent upon 
such a mission as this, most of which are of an interest- 
ing nature. One is in the form of a song and dance, 
which is performed by those entrusted with the duty, 
upon arriving at a point near to the town or camp they 
are about to visit. These songs and dances are made as 
appropriate as possible to the occasion, being intended 
to impress those who witness them with the friendly 
intent of their visitors, and a desire for a mutual under- 
standing. It also acts as an announcement to the people 
of the arrival of their visitors, and enables them to come 
forward and proffer the hospitalities of their town to 
the visitors. A council meeting immediately follows 
tne arrival of such delegation, after which, if the under- 
standing has been mutually agreeable, the painted or 
war hatchet is buried in the ground as a memorial that 
all animosities are over between the two nations. On 
this occasion also a belt 1 of wampum is presented to the 
hereditary chief of the tribe as a further evidence and 
ratification of the peace between them. This belt, which 
is covered by hieroglyphics worked in beads, is also of 
value as a record for the use and information of 

(1) These belts are made of shells found on the coasts of New Eng- 
land and Virginia, which are sawed out into beads of oblong form, about 
a quarter of an inch long and round like other beads. Being strung on 
leather strings and several of them sewed neatly together with fine and 
sinewy threads, tin y (hen compose what is called a belt of wampum. The 
shells are generally of two colors, some white and the others violet; but 
the latter are mere highly esteemed than the former. They are held in as 
much estimation by the Indians as gold, silver or precious stones are by 

dignity of the perse 

A Minnesota Historical Collection gives the account 
of the peace dance held at Ft. Snelling on May 20, 1829. 
There were on this occasion, says this record, about one 
hundred relatives of the four Sioux who had been deliv- 
ered in 1827 to be executed by the Ojibways. An un- 
cooked dog was hung upon the stake and each dancer 
came up and took a bite. Seven days afterwards twenty- 
two uark canoes, filled with Ojibways from Sandy Lake, 
Gull Lake and Rum River, arrived and on Sunday, the 
last day of May, the Sioux and Ojibways danced 
together before Agent Taliaferro's house. Then the 
Sioux crossed the river and danced before the Ojibway 
lodges, and to return the compliment, next day the 
Ojibways went to Black Dogs, a Sioux village four 
miles above the fort on the Munday River, and danced. 
An agreement was then made that they would hunt in 
peace on the prairies above the Sauk River. 

In his reports to the Secretary of War in 1822, Mr. 
Morse, who had spent a considerable portion of the 
summer of 1820 among the Indians under a commission 
held from the President of the United States, says that 
the belief of the Indians relative to their creation was 
not unlike that of civilized nations. In illustration of 
this he refers to the case of Masco, a chief among the 
Sauks, who informed him that his people believed that 
the Great Spirit in the first place created from the dust 
of the earth two men; but finding that these alone would 
not answer his purpose, he took from each man a rib, 
and made two women; from these four, he says, sprung 
all red men. The locality in which this incident is 
believed to have transpired, was known as Moneac or 
Montreal. The Sauks also believe that the Indians were 
all of one nation with them until they behaved so badly 
that the Great Spirit came among them and talked dif- 
ferent languages to them, which caused them to sep- 
arate and form different nations. 

As regards their beliefs of the future 1 state, another 
has been quoted as saying that his people believed that 
as soon as an Indian left this world he commenced his 
journey towards the habitation provided for him by the 
Great Spirit, which those who behaved themselves well 
in this life found with but little difficulty. On the other 
hand, he asserted that those whose mortal existence had 
been marked by bad behavior were sure to meet with 
unusual difficulties in searching for this new habitation; 
they were constantly getting into the wrong road; the 
paths they followed were difficult of travel and exceed- 
ingly crooked and misleading, while they frequently 
came upon broad and dangerous ravines, through which 

(11 They expect to be translated to a delightful country where they 
shall always have a clear, unclouded sky and enjoy a. perpetual^ spring; 
where the' forests wil 
might be taken witr 
laborious purr-a- 
plenty, and e 

_ _ and the lakes with fish which 
... = the painful exertion of skill or of 
vhere in short, thev shall live forever in regions of 
>very gratification thev delight in here, in a greater 


they had to pass in order to continue their journey. 
Thus were they punished for the evils done in the flesh, 
until at last satisfied with the penance which had been 
put upon them the Creat Spirit directed them into the 
proper path, by means of which they soon reached their 
friends and future dwelling. 

Here they found a plentitude of all kinds of game, 
while, when not pursuing their favorite pastime of hunt- 
ing, they had nothing to do but to dance and sleep. 
It was also the belief of those people that when young 
children died they did not at once enter into a realiza- 
tion of all of these satisfactory conditions. Another 
belief of the Indians, Mr. Morse tells us, was that there 
were two Great Spirits which were brothers and equally 
good; that one of them died and went to another world, 
and has ever since been with Mach-i Man-i-to, the evil 
spirit; that this spirit has a son who makes prisoners of 
all the children that die too young to find the good 
path, and takes them to his own town, where they were 
formerly deprived by him of their brains in order that 
when thev grew up they might not have sense enough 
to leave him; that the good spirit, seeing this, sent an 
■eagle to pick a hole in the head of every young child 
as soon as he dies and makes its appearance in the other 
world, and to deprive each of its brains and conceal the 
same in the ground; that the child is always immediately 
afterwards taken a prisoner by the evil spirit, and kept 
until a suitable age to travel, when the eagle returns its 
brains, and then, it having sense enough, immediately 
leaves the bad spirit and finds the good road. Most of 
the Indians interviewed by Mr. Morse on this subject 
told him that their deceased friends appeared occasion- 
ally to them in the shape of birds 1 and different kinds 
■of beasts. 

Of pagan notions in regard to the immortality of the 
soul, Perrot in his memoir gives the following account: 
"All pagan Indians believe in the immortality of the 
soul. They maintain that the soul, after leaving the 
body, goes to a beautiful prairie country, where there is 
neither heat nor cold, and where the atmosphere is 
agreeably temperate. They say that country is full of 
animals and birds of all kinds and varieties. Hunters 
there never find themselves exposed to hunger, as they 
can slay and eat whatever animal they like. They assure 
us that this beautiful country is very far away on the 
other side of the earth. Hence they place provisions 
and arms on the graves of the dead, for they believe 
that the departed will find in the other world for their 
use all that has been given them in this, especially for 
the voyage they have to make. 

grave in the shape of a turkey, and that the noise he made i 
tinctly heard throughout the night. 

"They believe moreover, that as soon as the soul has 
left the body it enters this charming country, and having 
traveled several days, it meets on its way 2 a rapid river, 
over which there is but a small stick to cross over. 
When walking over this thin stick, it bends so much 
that the soul is in danger of falling into the water and 
being carried away by the current. They maintain that, 
should this accident unhappily occur, it would get 
drowned, and that all these dangers are at nn end when 
once she has entered the land of the dead. These also 
believe that the souls of young' people of both sexes 
have nothing to fear, as they are vigorous and strong. 
But it is not the same with those of the old and of 
children when not assisted at this dangerous passage by 
other souls; this is oftentimes the reason why they perish. 

"They also say that this same river is full of fish 
beyond imagination. Sturgeon and other fish abound 
there, which they kill with their hatchets and clubs in 
order to roast them on their voyage, for after leaving 
the river they no longer meet with game. After having 
traveled for quite a long time, they come to a very steep 
mountain which obstructs their passage and obliges 
them to seek another elsewhere. However, they find 
none, and after having suffered a great deal they come 
at last to that terrible passage where two pestles of pro- 
digious size, rising and falling in turns, form a great 
difficulty which it is hard to surmount; for should the 
soul be unhappily caught beneath, that is, when one of 
the pestles is just falling, it would surely be killed; but 
the disembodied spirit watches most carefully for the 
lucky moment (when one of the pestles goes up) to slip 
through this so dangerous place. Yet many get caught 
and perish, especially the souis of old people and chil- 
dren, as they are less strong and vigorous, and rather 
slow when trying to get through. 

"Once through this dangerous passage, they enter a 
charming country where excellent fruits are found in 
abundance. The ground is covered with all kinds of 
flowers, the odor of which is so wonderful that it 
enchants the heart and charms the imagination. There 
is now but a short distance to make, so as to arrive at 
the place where the noise of the drum and gourd, keep- 
ing time to the songs and shouts of the dead at their 
entertainment (dance), makes itself agreeably heard. 
This stimulates them to run most eagerly directly 
towards the place where the sound of the happy multi- 
tude proceeds. The nearer they come, the louder the 
noise becomes, and the delight and joy to which the 
dancers give expression by continual shouts, ravish the 

(2) The road to the "happy hunting grounds of the dead" is called 
Ke-wa-kun-ah, "Homeward road." also Che-ha-kun-ah, "Ghost road." 
The soul travels till she comes to a dorp, rapid stream, over which lies 
the much dreaded Ko-gn-gaup-o-gun, or rolling and sinking bridge; once 
safelv over this, as the traveler leeks l.nek it assumes the shape of a huge 
serpent swimming, twisting and untwisting its folds across the stream.— 
Verwyst. dil 


newcomers more and more. When they are near the 
place where the dancing is going on a certain number 
of the dead leave their fellow-dancers and go to welcome 
them, and manifest the great pleasure their arrival 
causes to the whole company. They are then conducted 
to the place where the dancing is going on, where they 
are kindly received by all those present. They find there 
merits of all tastes, and without number. Nothing more 
exquisite or better prepared can be imagined. They 
can eat whatever they like and pleases their appetite. 
When they get through, they mingle with the rest to 
dance and enjoy themselves forever, without being any 
longer subject to grief, inquietude, infirmities, or any of 
the vicissitudes of mortal life. 

"This is the belief of the Indians in regard to the 
immortality of the soul. It is a dream, a chimera of the 
most ridiculous things that can be invented, but they 
cling to this belief with so great obstinacy that, when 
a person wants to convince them of its ridiculous absurd- 
ity, they tell the European who speaks to them about 
these things, that we have a particular country for our 
dead (and they another for theirs). Having been created 
by spirits who lived in harmony with one another, and 
who were mutual friends, they (i. e. the spirits or mani- 
tous that created the pale-faces) had chosen in the other 
world a different country from theirs (that is of the 
departed Indians, each race having a heaven for itself). 
They say that it is an indubitable truth, and one they 
have learned from their ancestors, that they once went 
to war into a country so far away that they came at last 
to the extreme end of the earth. They then passed the 
place where the large pestles keep going up and down, 
as I have described above, at the entrance of the beauti- 
ful land of the dead. Having passed through this, they 
heard at a little distance the beating of the drum and 
the sound of the gourds, and, curiosity having impelled 
them to go on a little farther to see what was going on, 
they were discovered by the dead, who then came 
towards them. They tried to flee, but were soon over- 
taken and conducted to the cabins of these inhabitants 
of the other world, where they were well received. The 
dead then escorted them as far as the passage of the 
pestles, which they stopped so as to enable them to pass 
through without danger (into the land of the living). 
Taking leave of them, they told their living countrymen 
never to come back there again till after death, for fear 
some misfortune might happen to them." 

Of Indian feasts 1 we learn from Carver that even at 

the time of his journeyings among them many of the 
nations neither made nor used bread, salt, nor spices, 
while not a few of them had never tasted any. In regard 
to this, he mentions the Naudowessies particularly, 
whom he said had no bread nor any substitute for it. 
These people, however, were greatly addicted to the use 
of wild rice, which grew in large quantities in different 
parts of their country, boiling and eating it by itself, and 
without using anything in the way of a relish. They were 
also strongly addicted to the flesh of animals slain by 
them in the chase, which they also devoured without the 
assistance of any dishes of another nature. Large quan- 
tities of sugar which they extracted from the maple 
trees were also eaten in a manner similar to that in 
which they disposed of their other foods, that is, entirely 
by itself. Of the use of milk they had not the slightest 
idea, for, as Carver relates, although they might collect 
great quantities from the buffalo or elk, they only con- 
sidered it as proper for the nutriment of the young of 
those beasts during their tender state. 

"One dish, however," this authority goes on to say, 
"which answers nearly the same purpose as bread, is in 
use among the Ottagaumies, the Saukies and the more 

Great Spirit does the more simple red man regard the spirits which in 

Ins iiiiamiinliim pervade all creation. The never-failing rigid fasts of 
first . nlini thev seek in their dreams for a guardian spirit 
illustrates this l.i,. lief must forcibly." 

regards^ their fastings he refers to instances of persons who. 

g the 

) fast, have been gladdened 

of the Cteat Spirit in their dreams. 
Pl"ais to the dreamer in the shape of a beautifully 
ned man, and it is a eonfirmed belief amongst them tliat he 
has once been blessed with this nsio,, is fated to live to a 
- 1 '- enjoyment of ease and plenty. 

guardian spirits whom they know in their first 
in the shape ,,f quadtupeds, birds 

All other 
dream of fasting appear 
inanimate objects i 

. .. the imag- 
1 this dream spirit is never mentioned without 
If which has appeared to the faster guides in a 

inary thunders, 

sacrifice. The dream 

great measure his future course of life," and he .... 

•ificial feast to the spirit of the dream. The bones of the 
"■■■ carefully gathered unbroken, tied together, 
'- carefully burned, 
of grc 

animal whieh he offers E 

and either hung on a. tree, throwL 

Their beliefs and rites connected with these fasts and dre 

portance to ^ themselves, more s, than has been generally understood 

) into deep v 

The grand rite of Me- 
ludiefs incorporated therein are no 
This rite, Mr. Warren assures us. 
tery, for while £ 

grand medic: 
yet fully understood by the 
3uded in the greate; 

till s 

the lodge itself ^ 

being enacted has sometimes been granted through eourtesy, it by no 

means enables onlookers to 1 em,, thoroughly initiated in the mysteries 

of the creed. Among the (!jil,wa\s the soths of ibis particular rite have 
been guarded sacredly, a breach of confidence being followed by swift and 
uncompromising reprisal. .Main' who have witnessed this eeremonv have 
' g. This, Mr. 
s incorporated 
as that have 
l long line of 

_ them— songs and tradit 
ally but in hieroglyphics, for at least 
In this rite is also perpetuated the purest a 

idioms of their language. The rites of the Me-da-w 
ance of which was supposed to secure life in this and a future world and 
to conciliate the lesser spirits who people earth, sky and water, was 
practiced in the earlier days in its purest and most original form. Every 
person who had been initiate! into the secrets of this most mysterious 
society from the first to the eighth degree was imperatively obliged to be 
present on every oceasioti when these grand ei re monies were solemnized. 
This created yearly a nation il gathering, and the bends which i. 
member to another wi 
Each village has 

tradition savs that 
midst of their great t 

which they desig- 
nated as the Me-iia-we-gun, wnorein tne rites ot tneir religion were per- 
formed. Though probably rude in its structure and not lasting in its 
materials, vet was it. the temple of a numerous tribe, and so sacredly was 
it considered that even to this day in their leligioir- phraseology the 
island on whieh it stood is known by the. name ot Me-da-ve-gun. 

In those days their native and j--' - ,J 
rigidly conformed with, ilan or won, 
of these people without severe and protracted fasts 
of spirits which 
one Great Spirit 

•al as the belief towards whom thev felt too deep a veneration than to dare to c_ ... 
irate respects it with directly. Sacrificial feasts were made with the first fruit of the field 
?en him and the and the chase. 


eastern nations, where Indian corn grows, which is not and the whole nation attend, from the greatest to the 

smallest. The quantity of provisions collected is im- 
mense, everyone bringing in proportion to his ability. 
The whole is cast into one pile, and distributed during 
the continuance of the feast among the multitude by the 
leaders appointed for that purpose. In former times the 
festival was held in the highest veneration, and was a 
general amnesty, which not only absolved the Indians 
from all punishment for crimes, murder only excepted, 
but seemed to bury guilt itself in oblivion." 

Of the festal and feasting season, the historian Park- 
man speaks as one of idleness and leisure for men 
and women. It was the period of feasting, gambling, 
smoking and dancing, which amusements engaged the 

only esteemed by them, but it is reckoned extremely 
palatable by all the Europeans who enter their domin- 
ions. This is composed of their unripe corn as before 
described, and beans in the same state boiled with bears' 
flesh, the fat of which moistens the pulse and renders 
it beyond comparison delicious. They call this food 

Careful investigation shows beyond doubt that a 
majority of the food used by these people was either 
boiled or roasted and then to a condition far beyond 
that which is at present known as being rare or under- 
done. They were also very fond of the broth in which 
these meats were cooked, which they drank in large 

quantities. The meats for which the Indians showed a passing hours. According to the writings of Morse and 

particular preference were those of the beaver, buffalo, 
elk, deer, the bear and raccoon, all of which were pre- 
pared in a manner as mentioned. Whenever possible, 
however, the flesh of the deer and bear were eaten 
together, as the dryness of the former was largely 
amended by the large amount of juice and fat peculiar 
to bears' flesh. There is also a shrub, the name of which 

his extensive investigation concerning the subject, all of 
the Indian tribes residing east of the Rocky Mountains 
believe in the existence of a Supreme Being, the creator 
of the world, whom they called Kitch-e-mon-e-too 1 or 
the Great Spirit, and to him they ascribed every perfec- 
tion. He was believed to be the author of everything 
that was good, and so benevolent as never to inflict any 

is not forthcoming, to which the Indians are very partial evil upon his creatures. This spirit was worshiped but 

in the spring of the year. little, although occasional supplications were made to 

Morse, in his official journeyings among the Indians him for success in their more important undertakings. 

(1820-1822), says that they have two sacrifices in each Sacrifices to this deity were still less frequent, but when 

year; the most notable of these events is celebrated offered consisted of some part of the property owned by 

during the month of August, the exact date being fixed those performing that duty. There was also a Bad Spirit 

by the head chief and councillors of the town. They which they believed in, by name Much-e-mon-e-too, to 

are guided in this decision according to the state of the whom they ascribed all of the evils to which mankind is 

affairs of the town and the forwardness of the corn crop, 
and it is consequently later or earlier as the matter may 
be. This is designated by the title of the "green corn 
dance" or "the ceremony of thanksgiving for the fruits 

exposed. This deity they held in extraordinary fear, 
and as a consequence offered many costly sacrifices to 
propitiate him. These sacrifices were quite frequent, 
as in the estimation of the Indian, he was an actively 

of the earth." The feast lasts from four to twelve days, aggressive god, spending a great portion of his time in 

and in its direction and general surroundings resembles 
to a certain extent a large camp meeting. To this feast 
the Indians come from all quarters, bringing with them 
their, families, tents, and provisions, and encamping near 
the council house or house of worship. The animals 
killed for this particular occasion are neatly and carefully 

plotting against the peace and safety of mankind. 

In addition to these two principal objects of venera- 
tion and dread, the Indians also believed in a large num- 
ber of good and bad spirits, superior in power and intel- 
lect to the ordinary man, and who inhabited the different 
elements surrounding them. These spirits, they believed, 

cleaned, the heads, horns and entrails being suspended presided over the destinies of nature in general, in their 

on a large white pole with a forked top which extends 
over the roof of the house. He describes further pro- 
cedure on the part of the Indians as follows: 

"The women having prepared the new corn and pro- 
visions for the feast, the men take, first, some of the new 
corn, rub it between their hands, then on their faces and 
breasts; and they feast, the great chief having first 
addressed the crowd, thanking the Great Spirit for the 
return of the season, and giving such moral instruction 
to the people as he thinks proper for the time. On these 
occasions the Indians arc dressed in their best manner, 

hands being the guidance and direction and absolute 
control of lakes, rivers, mountains, caverns, beasts, birds, 
fishes, vegetables and stones, as a result of which each of 
these was looked upon and treated with more or less 

At the feasts 2 pertaining to the two principal deities, 

(1) Ke-che-n 

(2) From P; 
given to the Ore 

lodge where the 
began beating th 
a handful of coi 
kept up from t\ 


and which in the particular instances referred to were 
held each spring (sometimes at other seasons of the year), 
many impressive ceremonies were observed. Here the 
celebrants danced, sung, howled, and in fact made every 
conceivable noise in order that they might appease the 
anger of the Bad Spirit, and thus prevent him from doing 
them any harm. On this occasion, likewise, they depos- 
ited a large amount of valuable property, consisting of 
guns, kettles, bows, arrows, etc., as a sacrifice to Mich- 
e-me; but to the Great Spirit 3 they simply addressed their 
prayers. For forty-eight hours previous to this cere- 
mony, which was always made by the chief of the band, 
that official observed an absolute fast. 

Another religious ceremony among the Indians of 
which the same author speaks, is observed by the Pot- 
tawattomies in the naming of their children, the cere- 
mony 4 generally being performed when the child is about 
a month old. This he describes as follows: The par- 
ents of the child invite some old and respected man to 
their lodge in the evening, and inform him that they 
wish him to name their child on the day following. The 
old man then engages two or more young men to come 
to the lodge early in the next morning to prepare the 
feast; this feast must be cooked by young men, in a lodge 
by themselves; no other person is permitted to enter 
till it is ready for the guests, who are then, and not 
before, invited. After the feast is over, the old man rises 
and informs the company of the design of their meeting, 
and gives the child its name, which he follows with a 
long speech in substance as follows: He expresses hope 
that the Great Spirit will preserve the life of the child, 
make him a good hunter and a successful warrior. 

Of the religion of the Indians, Carver writes at some 
considerable length, stating as his belief, however, that it 
is difficult to obtain a thorough knowledge of the relig- 
ious principles of these people, owing to the ridicule 
which had been put upon their ceremonies by Euro- 

1 themselvc 
ind the feast i 
the bones we 

reed. Upon the arrival of the 
cle on the ground in the middh 
begun. Each man having eater 
collected and put into a woode 
river or burned. One requisit 
feast must be eaten; so if one 

Spirit. The ceremony was concluded by leaving a quantity of l 

crated tobacco, which they afterwards returned and buried. 

(3) Some Indian sages have said t the Ureal Soirit from the 
earth originally made three different races of men— the white, the black, 
and the red race. To the first he gave a book denoting wisdom; to the 
second a hoe, denoting servitude and labor; to the third or red race, 
he gave the bow and arrow denoting the hunter state. To his red 
children the Great Spirit gave a great island on which the whites have 
found them; but because of having committed some great wickedness 
and angered their Maker they are deemed tu disappear before the rapid 
tread and advance of the wiser and more favored pale-face. 

The absolute truthfulness of the foregoing i,- '■- 
allowance, - - 

possible 1, 

J taken with some 

prior to their coming among them they could have no 
wledge of the existence nf a white ,,r black race, nor of their 
characteristic symbols, the book and the hoe. 

With the Sauks, Foxes and 

always regarded; they, howe\ 

of the next feast.— Morse. 

mber of feasts. 

peans, which had led them to conceal many of the most 
pertinent and most interesting facts. He concurs with 
other writers in their emphatic avowal of a belief in a 
Supreme Being or giver of life, which he tells us the 
Chippewas call Manitou or Kitchi-Manitou and the Nau- 
dowessies, Wakon or Tongawakon, the Great Spirit, 
and look upon him as the source of all good from whom 
no evil can proceed. He also tells of the Bad Spirit, to 
whom they ascribe great power, and suppose that 
through his means all the evils which befall mankind are 
inflicted. He also speaks of the lesser spirits, but gives 
it as his opinion that the ideas the Indians annex to the 
word "spirit" are very different from the conceptions 
more enlightened nations entertain of it. They appear, 
in fact, he says, to fashion to themselves corporeal rep- 
resentations of their gods, and believe them to be of a 
human form, though of a nature more excellent than 

Of a similar character are their beliefs regarding 
futurity. Their faith in a future state is absolute, and 
in connection with this they have also imbibed the some- 
what comforting assurance that their employments there 
will be similar to those engaged in while on earth, 
relieved, however, of all labor and difficulty which per- 
tains to them when here. 

In the earliest stages of their acquaintance with the 
Indians, the whites found them living in a state of polyg- 
amy, which was regulated to a great extent by the 
position and wealth of the party and his consequent 
ability to maintain a more extensive establishment. At 
the time that Carver first came amongst them, he dis- 
covered this condition, the privileges of which the chiefs 
enjoyed particularly; each one having a seraglio con- 
sisting of an uncertain number, there usually, however, 
being from six to fourteen. Those of lower rank, while 
not limited as to the number of wives they were per- 
mitted to take, were guided altogether by their ability to 
maintain them. Carver further tells us that it was not 
an uncommon thing for an Indian to marry two sisters, 
while when it happened that there were more he would 
take all of them. In these families the utmost harmony 
is said to have prevailed, the younger wives being sub- 
missive to the elder ones, whilst those without children 
uncomplainingly performed the menial offices of the 
household. The Indian nations, we are told, differ but 
little from each other in their marriage ceremonies, and 
even less in the manner of their divorces. One instance, 
perhaps, will suffice to illustrate this, and for that pur- 
pose we select the custom adopted by tribes living along 
the borders of Canada or within that territory. Among 
these people, Carver tells us, when a young Indian has 
fixed his inclinations on one of the other sex, he endeav- 
ors to gain her consent, and if he succeeds it is never 


known that her parents have obstructed their union. 
When every preliminary is agreed upon and the day 
appointed, the friends and acquaintances of both parties 
assemble at the house or tent of the oldest relation of the 
bridegroom, where a feast is prepared for the occasion. 
Sometimes the company meeting at these gatherings are 
numerous, all of them engaging in dances, 1 songs and 
other means of diversion usually resorted to on the occa- 
sion of public rejoicings. 

When these have finished, all those who attended 
merely out of ceremony depart and the bridegroom and 
bride are left alone with three or four of the nearest and 
oldest relations of either side, those of the bridegroom 
being men, those of the bride women. Presently the 
bride, attended by these few, having withdrawn herself 
for the purpose, appears at one of the doors of the house 
and is led to the bridegroom, who stands ready to 
receive her. Having now taken their station on a mat 
placed in the center of the room, they lay hold of the 
extremity of the wand, about four feet long, by which 
they continue separated, whilst the old men pronounce 
some short harangues suitable to the occasion. The mar- 
ried couple after this make a public declaration of the 
love and regard they entertain for each other, and, still 
holding the rod between them, dance and sing. When 
they have finished this part of the ceremony they break 
the rod into as many pieces as there are witnesses pres- 
ent, who each take a piece and preserve it with great 
care. The bride is then reconducted out of the door at 
which she entered, where her young companions await 
to attend her to her father's house; there the bridegroom 
is obliged to seek her, and the marriage is consummated. 
Carver tells of another ceremony, that of the Nauclowes- 
sies, which is not only singular in itself but has the addi- 
tional interest of being entirely different from that used 
by any other nation that he met with during his travels 

'. the 

. th- 

by an odd tone t 
heh." These soi 
strained at with 

very gracefully: they o 

back again to the .___. 
any steps as the European < 
moving by tui 
great agility t 

t every evening. Of their method and manner 
sions. Carver tells us that in these as well as 
tan rises in turn and moves about with great 
iging, as he does so. the exploits of his anees- 
ipany. who are seated upon the ground 
join with him in marking the cadence 
tugciher ami which sounds: "Hell, heh, 
•c articulated with a harsh accent ami 
of their lungs, so that one must iniag- 
exhausted by it. instead of which they 
e during the whole of their entortain- 
tliose of the Western nations, dance 

ol\( s oroel and will ii i ' 

irst a few yards to the right and then 
movement they perform without taking 

among them. In this instance, when one of the young 
men of this tribe has fixed on a young woman he 
approves of, he makes known his desire to her parents, 
who give him an invitation to come and live with them in 
their tent. He, of course, accepts the offer, and in so 
doing ratifies an agreement to remain with them for a 
period of one year, during which time he is to act in the 
capacity of servant to them. During this time he hunts, 
bringing all of the game killed by him in such excur- 
sions to the family, and by this means demonstrates to 
the father of the girl his ability to support a wife and the 
family that may come in consequence of that union. This 
peculiar arrangement, however, pertains only to young 
men when seeking their first wife, and is not repeated on 
later occasions. The period of probation having expired, 
the marriage is then solemnized after the custom of the 
country, three or four of the male relations of the bride- 
groom, and as many of the bride's, accompanying the 
couple from their respective tents to an open part in the 
center of the camp. 

Here the chiefs and warriors of the tribe have been 
assembled to receive them, a party of the latter being 
drawn up in two ranks on either side of the bride and 
bridegroom as soon as they have arrived at that point. 
The assemblage is then addressed by the principal chief, 
who announces to them the purpose of this meeting, and 
further states that the couple then standing before them, 
mentioning the names of each, have come voluntarily to 
avow in this public manner their intentions of living 
together as man and wife. He then enquires of the young 
couple, alternately, whether they desire that the union 
might take place, and, they having made an affirmative 
reply in an audible voice, the warriors present fix their 
arrows and discharge a flight of them over the heads of 
the married pair, which done, the chief pronounces them 
man and wife. The bridegroom then turns around, and, 
bending his body, takes his wife on his back, in which 
manner he carries her amidst the acclamations of the 
spectators to his tent. This ceremony is always suc- 
ceeded by as bountiful a feast as the personal resources 
of the man can afford, the entire proceedings being fol- 
lowed by songs and dances. In his memoirs, Perrot 
describes the marriage ceremony as follows: "There are 
some Indian tribes where people marry to live together 
until death, and there are others where the married sepa- 
rate whenever they like." 1 


they keep time so exactly 
tes. During these, at stated 

periods, they mingle their shrill voices with the hoarser ones of the 
men who sit around (for it is to he observed that the s'xes never inter- 
mix in the same dancesi, which, with the music of the drums and ohi- 
Chicoues make an agreeable harmony. The Indians have -several 1 
of dances, which they use^ o 
met (a) Dance, the V 

contact with the irreligious, ill 
this country. Invalid marriage 
apostasy on the part of the Chi 


The Iroquois, the Loups (Mohikans, Moiiegans) and 
some other tribes follow the last-named custom; but the 
Ottawas (Outaouas) marry to live with their wives all 
their life unless a very strong reason causes the husband 
to repudiate his wife. For without such a reason the 
husband would be exposed to the danger of being plun- 
dered by his wife and of suffering a thousand indignities 
at her hands; for the woman whom he abandoned to 
marry another would put herself at the head of her rela- 
tives and take from him what he had with him and what 
could be found in his lodge; she might pull his hair and 
scratch his face, and, in one word, there is no indignity 
or affront which she could not heap upon him and which 
she would not be justified in inflicting upon him, and 
that without his being able to prevent her, unless he 
would be willing to become the scorn of the village. In 
case such a husband does not marry somebody else, the 
woman who is deserted may plunder him when returning 
from a chase or traffic, leaving him but his arms, and 
even these she at last takes from him, should he still 
refuse to return to her. But if he would prove that she 
was unfaithful to him before, or even after leaving her, 
he can marry someone else without her being able to 
complain of it. The wife on her part cannot leave her 
husband, because he is her master, as he has bought and 
paid for her. Even her folks cannot take her away from 
him, and if she leaves him custom authorizes him to kill 
her without hindrance. This has many a time caused 
war between families who are determined to uphold the 
right of the husband (in slaying his wife) when she would 
not consent to return to him. 

The Iroquois, the Loups and some other tribes do 
not act like the Ottawas towards their wives; still there 
are some who never part and who during life love each 
other solely. But a far greater number, especially the 
young, marry to leave one another whenever they think 
proper. They will each take a woman during a voyage 
of hunting or of trafficking and divide with her one-half 
of the profits they have made. A man can even make 
a bargain with a woman as to what he will give her for 
the time he intends to keep her with the understanding 
that she is to be faithful to him ; after having made the 
voyage, she can leave him again. Still there are some 
to be found who mutually love each other and who 
always remain united, especially such as have had chil- 
dren together, which children, according- to Indian cus- 
tom, belong to the mother, as they always live with her 
— the males until they are able to get married, and the 
girls until their mother's death. Should the father of a 
family abandon his wife, the children he had by her, 
when grown up, would treat him with contempt and 
heap reproaches upon him for having abandoned them 

in their infancy, having left to their mother the care and 
trouble of raising them. 

In some tribes there are laws pertaining to marriage, 
which emphatically denounce and absolutely prevent a 
union of certain parties. Instances of this kind are 
quoted by Mr. Warren, who explains the objection by 
furnishing as an illustration the totemic reason for such 
objections among the Ojibways. This is better told 
in his own language, which is as follows: "The Algics 
(from whom the Ojibways originated) as a body are 
divided into several families or clans, each of which is 
known and perpetuated by a symbol of some bird, 
animal, fish or reptile, which they denominate the totem 
or Do-diam (as the Ojibways pronounce it), and which 
is equivalent in some respects to the coat-of-arms of the 
European nobility. 

"Totems descend invariably in the male line and 
intermarriages never take place between persons of the 
same symbol or family, even should they belong to dif- 
ferent and distinct tribes, as they consider one another 
related by the closest ties of blood and call one another 
by the nearest terms of consanguinity." To break this 
rule is to commit one of the greatest sins known to the 
Ojibways' code of moral laws, and tradition has it that 
in earlier days a breach of this kind was punishable 
with death. 

Morse, who writes of the marriage custom existing 
during the earlier years of the present century, says : "A 
man who wants a wife never applies in person ; he sencTs 
his sister, mother or some other female to the female 
relations of the woman he names. They consult the 
brothers and uncles on the maternal side, and sometimes 
the father, but that is only a compliment, as his approba- 
tion or resistance is of no avail. If the party applied to 
approve the match, they answer accordingly to the woman 
who made the application. The bridegroom then pro- 
cures a blanket and such other articles of clothing as 
he is able to spare, sometimes a horse, and sends them 
by the woman to the females of the family of the bride. 
If they accept of this, the match is made and the man 
may come to the house as soon as he chooses; and when 
he has built him a house, made his crop and gathered 
it in; made his hunt and brought home the meat, and 
put all this in the possession of his wife, the ceremony 
ends; they are married; or, as they express it, 'the 
woman is bound.' The appellation is 'the woman that 
lives with me' or 'the mother of my children.' The law 
has been understood differently by some, who insist that 
when they have assisted the woman to plant their crop the 
ceremony ends and the woman is bound. A man seldom 
or never marries in his own tribe." 

Most of the Indians marry young; men from sixteen 


to twenty generally, and girls from fourteen to eighteen. 
There appears to be but little difficulty in the 
young Indian procuring himself a wife, particularly 
if he is a good hunter or has distinguished him- 
self in battle. There are several methods of courtship. 
Sometimes the match is made by the parents 
without the knowledge of the parties to be con- 
nected, but the most common mode of procuring a 
wife is as follows : A young man fancies a young woman ; 
he commences his acquaintance with her by making 
friends with some young man, a relation of hers, often 
her brother. This done, he discloses his intention to his 
friend, saying that he is a good hunter, and has been 
several times to war, etc., appealing to him for the truth 
of his assertions, and concludes by saying that, if your 
parents will give me your sister for a wife, I will serve 
them faithfully according to the custom, which is, until 
she has a child; after which he can take her to his own 
relations or live with those of his wife. During the servi- 
tude of a young- Indian, neither he nor his wife have any- 
thing at their disposal ; he is to hunt, and that in a most 
industrious manner; his wife is continually at work, 
dressing skins, making mats, planting corn. Such are 
the modes of procuring a wife among the Sauk, Fox 
and Kickapoo nations; with the Chippewas, Ottawas and 
Pottawattomies, a wife is sometimes purchased by the 
parents of a young man, when she at once becomes his 
own property; but the most common mode of procuring 
a wife in all these nations is by servitude. 

"It frequently happens that when an Indian's servitude 
for one wife has expired, he will take another — his wife's 
sister, perhaps — and again serve her parents according 
to the custom. Many of these Indians have two or three 
wives, the greatest number that I have known any man 
to have at one time being five. When an Indian wants 
more than one wife, he generally prefers that they should 
be sisters, as they are more likely to agree and live 
together in harmony. A man fifty or sixty years old who 
has two or three wives will frequently marry a girl of 
sixteen. It but seldom happens that the man separates 
from his wife. It sometimes happens, however, and then 
she is at liberty to marry again. There are no apparent 
marriage ceremonies among these Indians." 

The children of an Indian family are always known 
and distinguished by the name of the mother, and even 
should the woman marry several husbands the issue 
by each of them are called after her. The reason given 
for this, remarks Carver, is that, as the offspring are 
indebted to the father for their souls and to the mother 
for their actual and material self, it is more rational that 
they should be distinguished by the name of the latter, 
from whom there is not the slightest doubt that they 
derived their being. It is said that there is nothing which 

surpasses the tenderness shown by the Indians for their 
offspring, and attention and kindness to the children has 
ever been admitted as a certain way to their considera- 
tion and friendship. 

Of the methods adopted by Indians for distinguishing 
themselves from each other, Carver tell us that, besides 
the name of the animal by which their tribe and nation 
are denominated, there are others that are personal, and 
which the children receive from their mother. The chiefs 
of the tribes are distinguished by a name that either 
makes reference to their villages or to the hieroglyphic 
or symbol of their family ; but these marks of distinction 
are only required after they have arrived at the age of 
manhood. In addition to this, those who have signalized 
themselves either on the warpath or in the chase, or are 
possessed of some peculiar qualification, receive a name 
to perpetuate their warlike propensities, abilities as hunt- 
ers, or other eminent mental or physical gift. In this 
manner, then, the great warrior of the Naudowessies 
was named Ottahtongoomliscah, 1 i. e., the great father 
of snakes. 

Should any great difference arise between an Indian 
and his wife, or a lasting dislike become apparent, they 
rarely quarrel over the situation, but .give due and timely 
notice (a few days generally) of their intentions, and in 
order to settle at once and forever any quibble or distrust 
among others as to the actual cause for so doing, they 
separate. In addition to this, the witnesses who were 
present at the marriage meet on a certain day at the 
house of the couple, and bringing with them pieces of 
rock which they received as mementoes of the ceremony, 
throw them into the fire. This ends the ceremony, sepa- 
ration being made without difficulty or trouble between 
the couple or their family or friends; and, in fact, it leaves 
them in a condition of such friendly relations that, if so 
desired, they can re-marry within a few months. In 
making such arrangements for separation, the children, 
if any, are equally divided, or, if there be an odd one, the 
woman is allowed to take it. Though this custom might 
very naturally seem to encourage fickleness among the 
Indians and thereby increase in frequency these separa- 
tions, yet Carver tells us there are many who have but 
one wife, and who enjoy a state of connubial happiness 
not to be exceeded in more refined society. 

Of adultery among the Indians, Morse tells us that 
in more flagrant cases the culprits are apprehended and 
severely beaten, in addition to which, if the woman be the 
offender, her nose is either cut or bitten off. According 
to the same authority, in case of divorce proceedings the 
man may marry again as soon as he will, but the woman 
cannot during the continuance of the yearly sacrifices, 
which last about twelve davs. Marriage gives no right 

(1) Ottah, 

; father; tongoom, 

; and liscah, snake. 


to the husband over the property of the wife, and when 
they part she keeps the children 1 and the property 
belonging to them and to her. Not infrequently they 
take away everything the husband owns, his hunting 
equipage only excepted. 

One writer assures us that hospitality to strangers is 
among the Indian virtues. Another writer endorses this 
sentiment, saying: "'There are no people more hos- 
pitable, kind and free than the Indians; they will readily 

took the life of the other. Both belonged to numerous 
and important families, and in accordance with the law of 
'blood for blood,' nothwithstanding his relatives wished 
to buy him off, the murderer was killed. 

"Generally a case of this kind ends with the death of 
the first murderer, but in this instance the drawer of his- 
fellow's blood was a great warrior, and his loss being 
severely felt by his relatives, the person who had taken 
his life was in turn murdered. The matter had gone 

share with any of their own tribe the last part of their beyond the usual length, and notwithstanding the inte: 

provisions, and even with those of a different nation, if ference of the old men and chiefs, the person who drew 

they chance to come in when they are eating. Though the last blood suffered death for his act at the hands of 

they do not keep one common stock, yet that community a relative of the person whom he had killed. The great 

of goods which is so prevalent among them and their Yankton camp became a scene of excitement, and mur- 

generous disposition render it nearly of the same effect, ders occurred daily, till the weaker party, consisting of 

When the chiefs are convened on any public business, 
they always conclude with a feast, at which their cheer- 
fulness knows no limits/' 

The crime of murder was never recognized as a sub- 
ject for the chiefs or elders of the tribe to decide upon. 
It was in fact left entirely to the members of the family 

a thousand lodges, left the main camp, and retired by 
themselves to pursue their hunt for meat to feed their 
women and children. 

"The feud did not end here, but continued with 
greater fury, the larger camp even sending war parties 
to take the straggling hunters of their former brethren. 

of the deceased, who consulted among themselves, and Scalps were also taken, and this is equal in Indian custom 

then acted in a manner deemed by them most advisable, 
and to the best interests of the afflicted ones. In cases, 
however, where action on their part might materially 
affect the interests of the tribe, or if the case advanced 
were a doubtful one, or the claim of long standing, the 
family generally referred the matter for final decision to 

to a declaration of open and exterminating war. The 
smaller camp, to prevent their total eventual destruction 
at the hands of the more numerous Yanktons, moved 
towards the country of Ke-nis-te-no, with whom 
they had always waged a never-ending warfare; and, 
preferring to trust themselves to their generosity rather 

the tribe. In cases, however, where they have decided to than to the vindictive hatred of their own kindred, they 

assume the aggressive and take revenge, they seize upon collected the women and children whom in former years 

the guilty person; or, failing in finding him, secure his they had captured from them and adopted in their fami- 

nearest of kin. In some cases the family of him who has lies. These they placed on horses, and, loaded with pres- 

done the injury promise reparation, and in that case are 
generally allowed a reasonable time for the fulfillment 
of that pledge. 

Two cases of Indian justice are given by Warren, 
both of which we quote at some length, from the fact that 
they fulfill in an excellent manner their mission as an 
illustration of this characteristic among - the aborigines: 
"Many winters before they became aware of the presence 
of the white men on this great island," says the historian, 
"the Yankton division of the great Dakota 2 tribe resided 
on the borders of the great Western prairie, near the 
Red River of the North. At one time it happened, as 
it often does, that two young men quarreled about a 
woman, and one, in the heat of passion and jealousy, 

manner of disposing of the <■ 
as there may perhaps have b< 
: among the numerous 

regarding i )u ■ suliji" 

The fact that he differs 
ldren. seems to us of little 
i a. difference in arranging 
Both authorities, however, 
possible misunderstanding 

y seeming misunderstanding, it may be said that 

;tory or tradition was told as given bj Mr. Warren by Esh-ke-bug- 

aged chief of the pillaged Ojihways, who lived for many 

_"__j tribes, and hi 

his history of the Ojibways. 

^orporated by Mr. Warren i 

ents, they were sent to the great Ke-nis-te-no town at 
Dead River (He-bo-se-be) with the peace pipe of the 
ceding Dakotas, requesting to be received 'in their 
lodges' and protected from the 'fire that raged in their 
rear on the Western prairie.' 

"The manly and passionate Ke-nis-te-no sent forty of 
their warriors to receive them into their country and 
escort them into their lodge. A grand council was held 
where the Assineboins told their grievances, asked for 
protection, and promised to fight by the side of the 
Ke-nis-te-nos against the Yanktons forever. 

"Their words were listened to with deep attention 
and pity, and they were accepted as allies and brothers. 
The peace pipe was smoked, 'their council fire was made 
one,' and they 'ate out of the same dish,' and reposed 
thereafter under the 'shade of the same forests and 
swamps,' till their united prowess eventually drove the 
Dakotas from the Northern plains, and the Ke-nis-te-nos 
and Assineboins could then go out occasionally to 'bask 
in the sun on the prairies and to taste the meat of the 
buffalo.' Shortly after this alliance the Ojibway made- 


his appearance among them, and he, too, became a party 
to the mutual compact which lias been kept in promise 
to this day." 

The other story, after describing the atrocious murder 
of a family by a Canadian Coureur du Bois at the old 
French fort at La Pointe, where he had been employed 
by them, goes on to state that, while en route for 
Montreal where he was being taken for trial, he managed 
to escape from his guard and sought refuge among the 
Hurons, whose dress, customs and language he adopted. 
On one occasion, being present at a war-dance, when the 
Indian warriors were striking the "red stake" and telling 
their different exploits performed in war against their 
enemies, the murderer stepped into their midst, and, 
likewise striking the stake, he related his deed of treach- 
ery and blood, expecting to be honored by the red men 
as a brave man for the exploit. But he was far mis- 

taken, for, before he had finished his tale of the bloody 
deed, an Indian warrior arose, and stepping up to him 
with the single exclamation "dog!" he buried a toma- 
hawk deep into his brain. 

The story is still further corroborated by Michel 
Cadotte and John Baptiste Corbin, who came into the 
Ojibway country when he was twenty years of age, and 
he remained there steadily for fifty-six years. He gives 
the date of the incident 1 as 1722. 

(1) A note attached to this incident in the Minnesota Historical Col- 
lection states that this story, as told by the trader William Morrison in 
1S2U, appeared in the Detroit Gazette, and is reprinted in Vol. VIII. of 

The published i 

Wisconsin Historical Col 

tragedy of killing a trader, his wife and child, occurred d> 
ter of 17G0-61; and that on his wav to Montreal for trial, " 
on the St. Lawrence River and fought, with the Indians 
ish. The boasting of his murder took place at a dance 
Marie. The Indian, disgusted with his cruelty, invited hi 

: he commenced to c 
i stopped he would t 
) stop, when he \ 

at, for they said he 

: boiled, but 


Cbe Indian -Cbeir music. 


Ten Years' Experience of Miss Alice Fletcher with Indian Music. — First 
Impressions upon hearing the same.— Incident through which the 
"Beauty and Meaning of these Songs" were at last revealed.— 
The Wa-wan Ceremony. — Various Phases of Indian Life representee! 
by Song.— Tribal Songs and their Transmission.— Peculiarities to be 
found in Indian Songs. — Interpolation of Meaningless Syllables and 
their Purposes.— Three Groups of Indian Songs.— The Song of the 
Sacred Pole and Buffalo Hide.— Other Songs and their Meaning.— 
The Poo-g'thun Society.— The Pipes of Fellowship and Ceremonies 
connected with them.— Funeral Song of the Omahas.— Other Songs 
and Musical Ceremonies. 

1 NUMBER of valuable and ambitious works 
pertaining to the life, character and habits of 
' the American Indian have long since been 
placed in general circulation. To these works 
has also been attributed the additional value of critical 
sanction as authorities upon that subject, and as such 
have afforded much interesting information which any 
less laborious attempts must certainly have failed to 
supply. One theme, however, has passed unchal- 
lenged throughout the entire series — more from the 
lack of reliable information, I should opine, as the 
subject is fraught with interest to all kinds and con- 
ditions of people. The subject referred to is music, 
Indian Music, if you please, about which many perhaps 
who have heard the Indian talk, perchance sing, have 
concluded that the least said the better for all parties 
concerned. But there is a far greater scope and meaning 
to this music than the advocates of other and more 
modern schools may have been led to infer; and as has 
quite frequently been the case in more recent times, it 
has devolved upon the patient efforts of a woman to 
develop a most interesting subject out of what otherwise 
bid fair to remain an inextricable, unpalatable and 
chaotic mingling of sounds. 

It is no slight privilege, then, to be able at this time 
and under these conditions to present the subject of 
Indian music in reliable and substantial form; not by the 
mere matter of discussing its purpose and relative con- 
dition as compared with the music of other peoples, but 
by actual illustration, so that the reader or student may 
master its peculiarities in an interesting, practical, and 
therefore altogether more satisfactory manner. 

To Miss Alice C. Fletcher is due the credit of having 
given to the world the first and only concise and prac- 

(1) The Omahas 

tical insight into the purpose and use of Indian music, 
the same being told in such a pleasing and interesting 
manner that it cannot fail in attracting widespread and 
general attention. In this work she has been ably 
assisted by Mr. Francis La Flesche and Professor John 
Comfort Fillmore, the latter for many years a well- 
known resident of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. While the 
information and general subject matter of this article was 
obtained entirely from the Omahas, 1 it nevertheless fur- 
nishes an excellent idea of the general trend of thought, 
mannerisms, and other peculiarities connected with the 
music of the Indian people. 

"After more than ten years of study," says Miss 
Fletcher, "during which I have had the invaluable aid of 
Mr. Francis La Flesche and the technical counsel and 
assistance of Miss Sarah Eliot Newman and Prof. John 
Comfort Fillmore, I no longer hesitate to present to the 
public the following collection 2 of Omaha Indian Songs, 

of the Siouan stock, and resided on their res- 
the Elkhorn River, eighty miles from the city 
! of the tribes noticed by Mar- 
He found them located on St. 
Peter River. At that time they were divided into two bands, the Istas- 
undo or Grey Eyes and the llongashans, and cultivated corn, melons and 
beans. In 1802, however, a tribe numbering three thousand five hundred 
were reduced to less than a tenth of that number by small-pox, when 
they burned their village and became wanderers, pursued by their relent- 

they have devoted themselves mainly t 

improved their condition. In 1875 they numbered c 

depending entirely upon their crops for their subsistence. In 1890 they 

numbered one thousand one hundred and fifty-eight.— U. S. Report of 

Indians taxed and Indians not taxed, 1894. 

In his work on the aboriginal races of North America, Samuel G. 
Drake says of the Omahas: "These Indians follow the chase as usual, 
and claim the country hounded l>y the Missouri on the east, by the Shell 
Creek on the west, hv the River Platte on the south and on the north by 
the Poncas country. The Elkhorn runs in a southerly direction and 
empties into the Platte about twenty miles above its mouth, and is the 
largest stream which passes through their territory. Their favorite village 
once stood near the Missouri River and about one hundred miles above 
Fort Leavenworth; but several years since they were driven from this 
location by the Sioux, and since then have settled temporarily on the 

Morse, in his report to the Secretary of War on Indian affairs in 1822, 
says: "The O'Mahas, in number two thousand two hundred and fifty, not 
long ago abandoned their old village on the smith side of the Missouri. 
and now dwell on the Hlklmrn west from their old village, eighty miles 
west northwest from Council Bluffs. 

(2) On reading the manuscript of this joint work of Miss Fletcher 
and Mr. La Flesche and the critical analysis of Prof. Fillmore, I became 
impressed with the scientific value of the memoirs, and consequently 
took pleasure in issuing it in the series of Museum Papers. 

This publication, however, would not have been possible at present 
had it not been for the timely assistance of Mrs. Mary Copley Thaw, 
who in appreciation of Miss Fletcher .and her work has founded the fel- 
lowship which enables Miss Fletcher to devote the remainder of her life 
to the preparation of her Indian memoirs.— F. W. Putnam, Curator of 
the Peabody Museum, Jan. 17, 1893. 

The title of the work in which these songs appear is as follows: 
Archaeological and Fthnologjca! Papers of the IVahndv Museum, Harvard 
University, Vol. 1, No. 5. A Study of Omaha Indian Music by Alice C 
Fletcher, Assistant in American Fthnologv, IVabodv Museum, and holder 
of the Thaw Fellowship, aided bv Francis La Flesche, with a Report of 
the Structural Peculiarities of the Music, by John Comfort Fillmore, 
A. M., Cambridge, Mass., June, 1893. 


feeling confident that therein is truthfully set forth, in a 
manner intelligible to members of my own race, the 
Indian's mode of expressing emotion in musical form. 

"I well remember my first experience in listening to 
Indian music. Although from habit as a student I had 
endeavored to divest myself of preconceived ideas, and 
to rise above prejudice and distaste, I found it difficult 
to penetrate beneath the noise and hear what the people 
were trying to express. I think I may safely say that I 
heard little or nothing of Indian music the first three or 
four times that I attended dances or festivals, beyond a 
screaming downward movement that was gashed and 
torn by the vehemently beaten drum. The noise was 
distressing, and my interest in this music was not 
aroused till I perceived that this distress was peculiarly 
my own, everyone else was so enjoying himself (I was 
the only one of my own race present), that I felt sure 
something was eluding my ears ; it was not rational that 
human beings should scream for hours, looking and 
acting as did these Indians before me, and the sounds 
they made not mean something more than mere noise. 
I then began to listen below this noise, much as one 
must listen to the phonograph, ignoring the sound of 
the machinery, before the registered tones of the voice 
are caught. I have since watched Indians laboring with 
a like difficulty when their songs were rendered to them 
upon the piano; their ears were accustomed to the por- 
tamento of the voices in the song, which was broken up 
by the hammers of the instrument on the strings pro- 
ducing such a continuation of sounds that it was hard 
for the Indians to hear and recognize the tune. My 
efforts in listening below the noise were rewarded by my 
hearing the music, and I discovered there was in these 
Indian s'ongs matter worth study and record. 

"My first studies were crude and full of difficulties — 
difficulties which I afterwards learned were bred of pre- 
conceived ideas, the influence of generally accepted the- 
ories concerning 'savage' music. The tones, the scales, 
the rhythms, the melodies which I heard, and after 
months of work stood out more clearly as indisputable 
facts, lay athwart these cries, and could not be made to 
coincide with them. For a considerable time I was more 
inclined to distrust my ears than my theories; but when 
I strove to find facts that would agree with these the- 
ories, I met onlv failures. Meanwhile the Indians sang 
on and I faithfully noted their songs, studying their char- 
acter and their relation to Indian life and ceremonies. 
During these investigations I was stricken with a severe 
illness, and lay for months, ministered to in part by 
Indian friends. While I was thus shut in from the rest 
of the world, with the Indians coming and going about 
me, in their affectionate solicitude they would often at 
my request sing for me. They sang softly because I was 

weak, and there was no drum, and then it was that the 
distraction of noise and confusion of theory were dis- 
pelled, and the sweetness, the beauty and meaning of 
these songs were revealed to me. As I grew stronger I 
was taught them, and sang them with my Indian friends; 
and when I was able to be carried about, my returning 
health was celebrated by the exemplification of the 
Wa-wan 1 ceremony with its music." 

Of this ceremony Miss Fletcher continues to speak as 
follows: "I heard the cadences of the ceremonial song 
of approach; I knew the tune; I had been taught it in 
my sickness, and now I ■ listened interestedly to the 
familiar strains as they came nearer and nearer, until the 
bearers of the Pipe of Fellowship were seen coming 
down the long entrance way, waving the feather pen- 
dants of the Calumets they bore. As they turned into 
the lodge, the whole people took up the song, and I too 
joined, able at last to hear and comprehend the music 
that had through all my difficulties fascinated, even while 
it eluded me. The occasion of this exemplification was 
one I can never forget, not only because of the insight 
it gave me into the music of the people, and the meaning 
of the ceremony as witnessed, but because of its deeper 
revelation of the heart and inner life of the Indian. From 
that time forth I ceased to trouble about theories of 
scales, tones, rhythm and melody, and trusted the facts 
which daily accumulated in my willing hands. 

"I have transcribed several hundreds of Omaha 
songs, and have also taken down songs of the Dakotas. 
Otoes and Poncas tribes, belonging to the same lin- 
guistic family as the Omahas. The Pawnees are of 
another stock, and their songs, of which I have a num- 
ber, present shades of difference that may become more 
defined when I have worked over a large collection of 
their music. The songs of the Nez Perce of Idaho also 
show differences that are interesting and well worth 
study, but these songs from different stocks have in them 
nothing radically divergent from the music of the 
Omahas, so that the facts herein set forth would seem 
to pertain to the music of various linguistic families. 

"Indian songs, I have discovered, travel far, and 
those of one tribe are soon at home in another. There 
seems to have been quite an extended acquaintance 
between tribes, the Rocky Mountains proving no serious 
barrier. Customs and songs borrowed from the Croix 
Indians have obtained for a century at least among the 
Nez Perce. Dakota songs are also found there with an 
equally remote introduction. The Omahas took from 
the Sioux the Ma-wa-da-he songs, and from the Otoe the 
Hae-ka-ne. The Dakotas appropriated the Omaha Hae- 
thu-ska songs, as did the Winnebagos. I have had 
Omahas sing me the songs of different tribes, but they 

l the French word e 



were always credited to the tribe to which they belonged. ment of its sweetness of tone and mobility of expression. 
I have never met an instance of plagiarism among the There is little attempt on the part of the Indian singer 
Indians. Certain kinds of songs can be purchased by to render piano or forte passages or to swell and 

individuals, and the song becomes personal property, but 
the purchaser would never claim to have composed it. 

"Among the Indians music envelopes like an atmos- 
phere every religious, tribal and social ceremony, as well 
as every personal experience. There is not a phase of 
life that does not find expression in song. Religious 
rituals are imbedded in it; the reverent recognition of 
the creation of the corn, of the food-giving animals, of 
the powers of the air, of the fructifying sun, is passed 
from one generation to another in melodious, measures; 
song nerves the warrior to deeds of heroism, and robs 
death of its terrors; it speeds the spirit to the land of the 

diminish a tone, although this is sometimes noticeable 
in love songs. When more than one person take part in 
a song, the voices are always in unison; the different 
qualities of male and female voices bring out harmonic 
effects which are enhanced by the practice of the women 
using the falsetto; the chord usually presents to the ear 
two or three octaves, struck simultaneously, and one 
becomes aware of over-tones. 

"The Indian enjoys the effect produced by vibrations 
of the voice upon a prolonged note; he will give a 
throbbing tremolo not unlike the sound obtained by 
vibrating the string of a 'cello while passing over it the 

hereafter, and solaces those who live to mourn. Chil- bow in an undulating movement. In the love songs, the 

dren compose ditties for their games, and young men by 
music give zest to their sports; the lover sings his way 
to the maiden's heart, and the old man tunefully evokes 
those agencies which can avert death. Music is also the 
medium through which man holds communion with his 
soul, and with the unseen powers which control his 

"The songs of a tribe are its heritage, many of them 
having been handed down through generations, and 
embody not only the feelings of the composer, but record 
some past event of experience. Consequently they are 

inger sometimes waves his hand slowly to and from his 
mouth, to break the flow of the breath and produce 
pulsations; the tremolo of the voice does not break the 
tone to his ear, as do the vibrations produced by striking 
the piano strings. 

"Words clearly enunciated in singing break the mel- 
ody to the Indian ear and mar the music. They say of 
us that we 'talk a great deal as we sing.' Comparatively 
few Indian songs are supplied with words, and when 
they are so supplied the words are frequently taken apart 
or modified so as to make them more melodious; more- 

treasured by the people, and care is taken to transmit over, the selection of the words and their arrangement 
them accurately, and this is effected without the usual do not always correspond to that which obtains in ordi- 

external aids to memory common to races who have a 
written language. 

"People who possess written music have also some 
mechanical device by which tone can be uniformly pro- 
duced, as by vibrations of a chord of given length and 
tension, the tone of such a chord becoming the standard 
by which all other tones can be regulated; thus a suc- 
cession of tones can be recorded and accurately repeated 
at long intervals of time and by different persons. The 
Indians have no mechanism for determining a pitch; 
there is no uniform key for a song. It can be started on 
any note suitable to the singer's voice. This absence of 
a standard pitch, and the Indians' management of the 
voice which is similar in singing and in speaking, make 
Indian music seem to be out of tune to our ears, con- 
ventionally trained to distinguish between a singing and 
speaking tone of voice. Although the Indians have no 
fixed pitch, yet given a starting note, graduating inter- 
vals are observed; not that any Indian can sing , a scale, 
but he repeats his songs without any material variation. 

"The baritone and mezzo soprano are more common 
than the higher or lower class of voices. The habit of 
singing in the open air to the accompaniment of percus- 
sion instruments, tends to strain the voice, to the detri- 


nary speech. A majority of the songs, however, are 
furnished almost wholly with syllables which are not 
parts or even fragments of words but sounds that lend 
themselves easily to singing and are without definite 
meaning; yet when a composer has once set syllables to 
his song they are never changed or transposed, but pre- 
served with as much accuracy as we would observe in 
maintaining the integrity of a poem. These syllables are 
vowel sounds, both open and nasal, the initial letter 
being generally h, th, or y. While a desire for euphony 
directs the conscious choice of the initial letter, yet a 
study of the use of these letters seems to indicate that 
the feeling to be expressed controls in a measure the 
selection of the syllables. The flowing, hae ha he hi ho 
hu, or athae athee lend themselves to the gentler emo- 
tions. These sounds are common in the love song, the 
funeral song, and when the singer breathes his desire for 
the strengthening of his own life from sources beyond his 
sight, or seeks to express his aspiration toward the ideal; 
yah yae yee yi permit sharp explosive tones, and these 
syllables are generally employed when warlike emotions 
are excited. 

"The use of these syllables and the management of 
the words of the songs reveal a striving towards poetic 


expression in measured language. In order to meet the 
demands of the rhythm of music, the words of the song 
are frequently taken apart and melodious syllables inter- 
posed, giving to the newly formed word a measure it 
did not possess in ordinary speech. Accents, too, are 
changed to meet the exigencies of rhythm and elliptical 
phrases are used. Moreover, there is often an answering 
sound at the end of repeated phrases made by adding a 
syllable. This suggests that the expression of emotion 
calls for rhyme." 

The foregoing is thoroughly illustrated in the follow- 
ing song, which Miss Fletcher tells us "is sung by the 
leader of a war party when disaster or death seem inev- 
itable, and the victory is to be plucked from defeat only 
by the most daring and heroic efforts. Under such cir- 
.cumstances, or when death alone can be the issue of a 
combat, these strains are sung to nerve the warrior to do 
his utmost. The song wakens in the memory of the 
soldier the joy at his birth, when his sister came to his 
mother's retired tent, and seeing the new-born infant, 
with a cry of delight and endearment exclaimed, 'My 
brother! A man lies there'; a man who will ever guard 
from danger and hunger and death. The thought of that 
home joy and trust stimulates the warrior beset by dan- 
gers to defy death and fulfill the prediction at his birth. 

"The phrase Ahyae-zhum-mae tho 1 is elliptical, made 
so to accord with the rhythm of the music. The spoken 
words would be ahyae-zhum-me ha. In the song the 
phrase is oratorical; me is made mae; ha, denoting the 
close of the sentence, is changed for euphony to the 
musical syllable tho; the phrase as sung conveys some- 
thing more than the literal meaning of the words, 'they 
may have said'; 'Have they not said?' is the true signifi- 
cation; and the ideal of a man's career is set as a gem in 
the words, Hin! we-sa-thun nu-kae-dae,' My Brother! 
he is a man! Hin is a feminine exclamation of pleasure; 
we-sa-thun or we-tha-thun, a term of endearment used 
by an elder sister to her younger brother, equivalent to, 
My dear brother. Nu-kae dae, nu, man, kae-dae, suffix 
indicating the position of the infant lying down. Through 
these lines twines the poetry of thought and expression, 
simple as a wild flower and as delicate. The music 
assists the tender verse, and bears the weight of the 
thought. 'Ahyae-zhum-mae tho' in the three musical 
phrases with the hold on the tho in the third bar of each 
phrase sounds the call of the man's birth prophesy; the 
long echoing notes carry the thoughts over the plains 
and the forests that have known his footsteps, where 
dwell all the omniscient birds that watch over the brave 
man, taking note of his deeds. (These birds are repre- 
sented in the pack used in testing the warrior's record 

according to the rites of the Tent of War). The musical 
treatment of these same words when they follow the 
fourth phrase makes them simple narrative, but in the 
last three bars the words become again significant, 
taking on a deeper meaning, one that partakes of an 
oracular character, as, 'Have they not said, a man!' The 
climax of both poem and song is in this last phrase, and 
it cannot fail to be felt by anyone following the words 
and music." The song in its completeness is published 
among the archaeological and ethnological papers of the 
Peabody Museum, and is as follows: 




Flowingly, with feeling. 

J = 96 : . ^ 

his syllable is not part of tl 
syllable without definite n 
meet the demands of rhythm 

Indian songs are divided into three groups — class 
songs, social songs and individual songs. Associated 
with the first are those of an aggressive or warlike char- 
acter, such as the song of the Sacred Pole and Buffalo 
Hide, the Hae-de-wa-che or annual tribal dance, those 
pertaining to the rites of the Tent of War and the- ritual 
of the filling of the tribal pipes. These songs, Miss 
Fletcher tells us, are either religious or ritualistic, and 
are sung only by the initiated or by the members of cer- 


tain subgentes 1 having charge of sacred or tribal 

The second group covers songs belonging to the 
Poo-g' thun, Hae-thu-ska, To-ka-lo, Ma-wa-da-ne and 
other secular or secret societies; also all dance and game 
songs, the songs of the wa-wan or ceremony of the 
Pipes of Fellowship and the funeral song. These songs 
arc always sung by companies of persons; the last two 
are somewhat religious in character, but are not sacer- 
dotal. To the third group belong the In-g' thunwa-an 
(thunder songs); and those which relate to Mystery, to 
Dreams, and to the Sweat Lodge; Na-g' thae wa-an 
(captive or death songs) ; Mekasee (wolf or brave songs) ; 
wae-ton wa-an (woman's songs of sorrow); Love lays, 
songs of thanks, and the prayer taught every Omaha 
child by its parents, and used throughout life by the 
whole tribe. These songs pertain to individual hopes, 
desires or experiences, and they are generally sung 
as solos. 

Among the songs of the first class, those of the 
Sacred Pole and the Buffalo Hide are most conspicuous. 
Of this dance, Miss Fletcher tells us as follows: "The 
Omaha tribe lived in the buffalo country, and their 
hunting of this game was governed by well-defined rules 
and regulations which were obligatory upon every mem- 
ber of the tribe, were vigorously enforced, and any dis- 
obedience was severely punished by officers appointed to 
execute the laws. Early in July the entire tribe moved 
out of their village under a leader who had been cere- 
moniously placed in command. Upon this man rested 
the sole responsibility of directing the movements of the 
tribe, of selecting the camping places, of searching for 
the game, and of regulating the manner of hunting and 
securing food. Fie was held accountable for everything 
that happened, for the attacks of enemies without and 
for quarrels within, even down to the fighting of the 
dogs. If disaster occurred, the leader was deposed, for 
it was considered that his prayers were ineffectual, and 
he was not in favor with the Unseen Powers. The tribe 
when moving kept well together, and often stretched out 
a mile or two in length, and was guarded by picked men 
detailed from the bravest of the warriors. This soldier 
police force not only looked out for lurking enemies, but 
prevented any man from slipping from the ranks for a 
private hunt. All the rules respecting the movements of 
the tribe on the annual hunt were based upon the prin- 
ciple that the liberty of the individual must be subor- 
dinated to the welfare of the community, and therefore 
no one for his personal pleasure or gain was permitted 
to infringe any of the time-honored regulations. The 
leader traveled apart at one side in prayerful contempla- 

m The social unit next below the gens or clans as in the American 
Indian tribes or nations, as the Kens ..if the Omaha, is divided 
Intci'f.iur subgentes -]ila.-k Bear, Small Hear. ICagle and Turtle.— Standard. 

tion of the duties which devolved upon him. His office 
was one of the most coveted within the tribal gift, and 
was also one of the most onerous. 

"After the tribe had secured an ample store of meat 
sufficient to meet the requirements of the winter season, 
the festival of Thanksgiving took place. On this occa- 
sion the Sacred Pole and Buffalo Flide were taken from 
their tents and became the central objects of the cere- 
mony. Fhe Wa-hrae'-hae-tan, a sub-gens of the Hunga 
gens, had charge of the Pole and its tent, and the Wa- 
sha-ba-tan, another sub-gens, cared for the Hide and its 
tent. Fo the Hunga was entrusted the preservation of 
the ritual and songs of the Pole, and no one in the tribe 
except a male member of this gens had the right to 
sing these hubae wa-an or sacred songs. 

"Song No. 3, which is herewith given, is used just 
preceding the ceremony of anointing the Pole, and was 
for the purpose of calling the people together to witness 
that rite." The words of this song are: 
"Ae-hae thae-hae tha 
Ae-gun shu-ka-tha-ha nuz-zhin-ga 

Ae-hae thae-hae tha 
Mun-da-ha ae-ha ba-dan ae-ha 
Ae-hae thae-hae tha." 
The translation, which implies that the Hunga has 
been formally requested by the chiefs to perform this 
ceremony, and which calls the people to the Sacred Tent 
to witness it, is literally as follows, the last syllable in 
the first, third and fifth lines having no meaning, being 
simply used to carry out the rhythm: 
"I bid I bid tha 
Therefore shall ye all stand in a group, 

I bid I bid tha 
Gather ye nearer, come hither, come! 
I bid I bid tha." 

No. 3. HUBAE WA-A/V. 


Sostenulo. J = 92. 

Peabody M 

Another song which it is unnecessary to reproduce, 
and which is designated as No. 4 in this collection, was 


sung during the painting of the Sacred Pole, the words society has now been extinct for nearly fifty years, and 

literally meaning, I make the pole red and comely to 
look upon. 

On the third day of this Thanksgiving festival the 
tribal dance 1 took place. This dance was highly dramatic, 
especially that part wherein the past experiences of the 
warriors are depicted. The scene, Miss Fletcher tells us, 
was full of action and color; the whole tribe took a part, 
every one being in gala dress. In fact, it would appear 
that there was hardly a member of the tribe too old or 
too young not to have upon his person some token of 
the occasion. 

The Tent of War, 2 which was in the immediate 
charge of the Wae-jin-ste gens, was said to contain cer- 
tain articles which were supposed to test the truthful- 
ness of a warrior's recital of his deeds of valor. One of 
these articles was a skin case or pack, fashioned in the 
symbolic form of a bird, and containing the skins of a 
number of birds supposed to possess warlike instincts. 
These birds in their flight over the earth watch and noted 
all valorous deeds, and so when a man boasted or exag- 
gerated as he told his tale in the presence of this pack 
his untruthfulness was brought to light by these birds, 
who caused the reed which he was required to drop upon 
the pack to roll off to the ground. The rites of the 
Tent of War are allied to those ceremonies connected 
with the hearing of the first thunder peal in the spring- 

The music of the ritual of filling the Tribal 3 Pipes is 
lost. The keeping of this ritual, Miss Fletcher relates, 
was the hereditary charge of certain members of a sub- 
gens of the In-shtae-sunda gens, and the last man who 
knew it died some years ago. It was a chant and was 
sung without accentuation by the drum. 

Among the second group or social songs, those of 
the Poo-g' thun society were among the oldest. This 

(1) Carver tells us that different nations vary considerably in their 
manner of dancing. For instance, the Chippewas were wont to throw 
themselves into a greater variety of attitudes than any other people, 
sometimes holding their binds erect, while at others they bend them 
almost to the ground, the body inclining [nun side- to side as they passed 
around. On the other hand, the Naudowessies carried themselves in a 
more upright position, stepping firmer and moving more gracefully. 

(2) The war dance which the Indians used, both before they set out 
tells us 

d a circle 
right to 

• parties and i 

.-.., Carvei 

into strangers. It is performed as the others ami 

. i chief generally begins it, who moves from the ..„. 

eft, singing at the same time both his own exploits and those of his 

' of any memorable action, 

against a post that is fixed 

" ' purpose. Every 

> giv 

one dances in turn and r 
in the dance. Then it be 
pens to ^» among them, 
mg posture " 

terity, it could l 

nter of the assembly for this" . . 
-apitulates deeds of his family till they i 
omes truly alarming to any stranger that hap- 

l the field. During this 
l which as they whirl 
g each others' throats; 
i tli inconceivable dex- 
is they intend to rep- 

heighten the scene they set up £ 
whoops they use in time of actio 
them in any other light than as : 
(3) The Pipe dance is the prii 
of any of them, being the least 

the stories connected with its songs are lost. All of the 
examples given of this group are of a warlike character, 
describing the battle cry of different warriors with which 
they evidently sought to terrorize the enemy. Thus one 
exclaims: "When I come to my place I shout, I com- 
mand as I stand and shout;" while yet another savs, 


J = 84. Dignified. 

"Where do I send them when I come? To their graves!" 
The Poo-g' wa-wan constitutes, the same authority tells 
us, the wildest music of the Omahas, and, unlike their 
war songs of the tribe, they are marked by a rhythm 
simple and forceful, and are quite in contrast with many 
of the Hae-thu-ska songs, wherein the rhythms are 
contesting and complicated. The origin of the latter 
songs is not absolutely known, although tradition has it 
that it sprung from the Poo-g' thun. A valiant record 
alone entitled a man to admission and promotion in this 
society, in which bravery made all men equal. The 
To-ka-lo is another of the Omaha societies which has 
been extinct for many years. Once it was in great 
respect with the warriors, and its dances bore a strong 
resemblance to those of the hae-thu-ska. One of the 
most attractive features of this society was the procession 
about the tribal circle, when all members were dressed 
in full regalia and rode their best horses. The music is 
well suited, says Miss Fletcher, to the prancing step of 
a spirited charger. 

Other dances associated with the second group are 
the In-ou-tin or game songs, used extensively by the 
young men when they gamble, either for fun or in 
earnest. The children also have songs of their own 




f^ ^ ^ ^m ^mm^ 

Hae he tha ' ha ah ha ah he tha ah e tha 

handed down from older sets of playmates to the 
younger coming after them. The Omahas also have a 
few songs of their own composition that are used simply 
for social dancing. 

Another dance of more than passing importance is 
that of the wa-wan, which is the name given to the 
ceremony connected with the Pipes of Fellowship. These 
songs, we are told, are accompanied by rhythmic move- 
ments of the pipe-bearers, and also of the pipes which 
are swayed to the music. "As the rhythmic movements 
of the pipes and their bearers have always attracted the 
attention of the white observers," remarks our authority, 
'"the ceremony has been characterized by them as a pipe 
dance or Calumet dance, whereas the performance does 
not convey to the Omaha mind the idea of dancing, nor 
do the movements really resemble Indian dancing, with 
the possible exception of that of the ceremony which 
takes place on the fourth night." A wa-wan party usually 
consists of from eight to twelve men, and they some- 
times traveled over two hundred miles to reach their 
destination. They were never in fear of hostile attacks 
by the way, war parties turning to one side and letting 
the Pipes of Fellowship 1 pass in peace. 

There is but one funeral song among the Omahas, 
and it is only sung during the obsequies of a man or 
woman who has been greatly respected in the tribe. 
Of the individual songs which are contained in group 
No. 3, there are seven sub-groups. Of the first of these 



ette said that the Cal- 

is the 

in the w 


The scepters of our ki 

o much respected, for 

the Indi 

,ve such a reverence for i 

that on 

call it the god 

var ana the arbiter of 


and death. . 

met may venture ami 

Tries, anc 

in tli. 

thov l.-iv 

tli.'ir arms hef,ir,> this 

The 11 

inois presented 

one of them, which was very 

useful to us 

in our 


ha o etha hae hae thoe ha o o ethahatha hae ah ha ah ah 

Copyrighted by the 

iikIv Museum of American Archaeology and Ethn. 


there are four divisions, one being sung at the initiation 
of a warlike expedition ; another used when the warriors 
are in the field and danger threatens them; still another 
is chanted by the women in behalf of the men on the 
warpath, while the last is a song of triumph over the 
fallen enemy, sung after the return of the successful war 
party. The second group contains songs of mystery which 
appeal directly to the unseen forces which surround man. 
These come in five divisions — the tribal prayer; songs 
that come to a youth during his fasting vigil; songs that 
come in dreams to a man together with a knowledge and 
use of medicinal roots and herbs; songs that are general 
in their benefits, giving' the singer success in hunting, 
in war, or any other undertaking; songs that bring help 
to the hunter; songs of thanks; songs that occur in 
myths (these are the delight of the children who use them 
in their games, and they form the only nursery music 
known in the tribe); songs relating to the adventures 
and experiences of young men and women; love songs 
and flageolet music. The next sub-group pertains to 
war, the next to mysteries, the next to songs of thanks, 
myth songs, and so on to the end. 


Cbe Indian— Ceremonies and Government. 


Dance.— Carver's Experience with a peculiar and 
r Lake Pepin.— Dance of the Sacrifice.— Burial of 
a and Reception of Guest.— The Ceremony.— Care 
1 Mourning.— The Funeral Cortege.- 

N EFORE concluding this section concerning 
Indian life and customs, it may be well to 

asked them to come in, which, without deigning to 
make any answer, they did. As I observed that they 
were painted red and black as they usually are when 
they go against an enemy, and perceived that some parts 
of the war dance was intermixed with their other move- 
ments, I doubted not but they were set on by the inimical 
chief who had refused my salution. I therefore deter- 
mined to sell my life as dear as possible. To this pur- 

J^J) make some further allusion to other dances P ose l received them, sitting on my chest with my gun 

^^^ of a ceremonial nature pertaining to those and pistols beside me, and ordered my men to keep a 

people. In doing this we will refer to the Paw-waw or watchful eye upon them and to be also upon their guard. 

Black dance, which Carver tells us he found among The Indians having entered, they continued their dance, 

the nations to the westward of the Mississippi and alternately singing at the same time of their heroic 

on the borders of Lake Superior. This dance created 
more than usual interest in the early days, it being 
asserted as a fact by many of the colonists that at such 
times the devil was raised by the Indians. The dance, 
however, as seen by Carver among the Naudowessies, 

exploits, and the superiority of their race over every 
other people. 

"To enforce their language, though it was uncom- 
monly nervous and expressive, and such as would of 
itself have carried terror to the firmest heart, at the end 

was given on the occasion of a reception of a new of every period they struck their warclubs against the 

member into one of the numerous societies which poles of my tent with such violence that I expected every 

they called Wakon-kitchewah or the Friendly Society of moment it would have tumbled upon us. As each of 

the Spirit. This organization was composed of per- them in dancing passed by me, they placed their right 

sons of both sexes, such only being admitted into it hand over their eyes, and, coming close to me, looked 

as were of unexceptional character, and who receive the rne steadily in the face, which I could not construe into 

approbation of the entire membership. The only music a token of friendship. When they had nearly ended their 

used on this occasion was a drum composed of a piece dance, I presented to them the Pipe of Peace, but they 

of a hollow tree curiously wrought, over one end of would not receive it. I then, as my last resource, thought 

which was strained a skin which when beaten gave forth J would try what presents would do; accordingly I took 

a sound far from harmonious, but sufficient to serve as 
indicating the time. The whole assembly being united, 
the dance began, several singers assisting the music with 
their voices, the women joining in the chorus at certain 
intervals, the whole producing a not unpleasant but 
savage harmony. 

Another dance mentioned by Carver, the name of 

from my chest some ribbons and trinkets which I laid 
before them. This seemed to stagger their resolutions, 
and to avert in some degree their anger, for after hold- 
ing a consultation together they sat down on the ground, 
which I considered as a favorable omen. Thus it proved, 
as in a short time they received the Pipe of Peace, and, 
lighting it, first presented it to me, and then smoked it 

which, however, he failed to obtain, was performed under themselves. Soon after they took up the presents, which 

rather trying and peculiar circumstances by a number had hitherto lain neglected, and appearing- to be greatly 

of Indians who came to his tent when he landed near pleased with them, departed in a friendly manner." 

Lake Pepin on the banks of the Mississippi. "Looking The Dance of the Sacrifice is so denominated because 

out," he tells us, "I saw about twenty naked young of the offering up of some sacrifice to some good or 

Indians, the most perfect in their shape, and by far the evil spirit. It is a dance to which the Naudowessies give 

handsomest I had ever seen, coming towards me, and that title from being used when any fortunate circum- 

dancing as they approached to the music of their drums, stance of a public character befalls them; for instance, at 

At every ten or twelve yards' they halted and set up one time a large deer accidentally strayed into the middle 

their yells and cries. When they reached my tent, I of their encampment, and was by them quickly 



destroyed. This happening just at the new moon, it was 
regarded by them as a lucky omen, and so, having 
roasted the carcass whole, a feast was made, after which 
they all joined in what was known as the Dance of the 

The methods adopted by the Indians in caring for 
and burying their dead are surrounded, as are almost 
all of their private or public functions, with numerous 
peculiar observances and superstitious ceremonies. 
Many of the features on such occasions are of a char- 
acter so fantastic and unusual to modern comprehension 
as to challenge the most charitably disposed as to their 
actual purport or intent. Yet it must in all fairness 
be said that there is no possible ground for questioning 
their sincerity, while there are many things which point 
to the directly opposite. One of these is their unques- 
tionable reverence for the departed, whose bones, when 
the tribe is called upon to remove to some other location, 
are carefully and reverentially gathered together and 
taken with them, and that, too, no matter how long the 
period intervening since interment was first made. 

The first impressions gained by Europeans in their 
intercourse with the Indians led them to most emphati- 
cally declare in favor of the opinion that the aborigines 
had no religious instincts or beliefs. In fact, they dubbed 
them "heathen,'' pure and simple, and thus cast upon 
them the ban of suspicion, which it took years of 
intimate association to overcome. It was even gener- 
ally believed that they had no souls, and was stated by 
those of highest authority and intelligence. Here, then, 
they remained with this stigma resting upon them, the 
most friendly interpretation of which was a query as to 
whether the sort of religion which the red men were 
found to have and recognize was better or worse than no 
religion at all. So, too, their feelings for the dead were 
questioned, while the funeral rites, meaning so much 
in their eyes, were scouted as useless mummeries and 
affectations, unworthy of respect and degrading to man- 

Of the care and burial of their dead by the Indians, 
there are numerous interesting accounts given by those 
who have from time to time visited or lived among the 
aborigines in this country. Among these accounts is 
one by Perrot, in which he tells us that when Indians 
intend to have a feast in honor of their dead, they care- 
fully make the arrangements beforehand. In other 
words, they prepare for such an emergency by obtaining 
the necessary articles and materials for the observance 
of those ceremonies which always pertain to such occa- 
sions, and therefore, while on their visits to the trading 
posts, and among the Europeans, purchase all that is 
necessary for that purpose. At home, too, they were just 
as provident in their arrangements, securing and pro- 

viding meats, grain, furs and other things which were set 
aside for that purpose. "When once they have decided 
to celebrate the grand feast of the dead," continues 
this writer, "they send deputies of their people to all 
the neighboring villages nearby (and far away), some 
of them more than one hundred leagues distant, to notify 
them to assist at the coming feast, telling them the 
time fixed for the celebration. A great many people 
of the invited villages start then, each canoe holding 
several persons; they make a small collection of goods 
among themselves in order to make thereof a present 
in common to the village which has invited them. Those 
who have invited them prepare for their coming a large 
cabin, very strong and well covered, in order to receive 
and lodge all those whom they are expecting. 

"As soon as all have arrived the different tribes stand 
separated, one from the other, in the center of the large 
cabin. Being thus assembled, they make their presents 
and give away what they have, saying that they have 
just been invited to render homage to the remains of 
the dead of the village and to their memory. Immedi- 
ately they begin to dance to the sound of the drum and 
of a gourd in which are small holes, which constantly 
give out the same tune. They dance from one end of the 
cabin to the other, one behind the other in single file, 
moving around the fir, or other trees planted there. 
While the dance is going on some are busy in the 
kitchen cooking. Dogs are killed and boiled with other 
meats, all of which have been diligently prepared. When 
all is ready, the guests are made to rest awhile, and the 
dance being now stopped, the repast is served. 

"I have forgotten to remark that as soon as the dance 
stops the presents which the guests have made and all 
their effects are removed. Their hosts give them other 
presents of greater value in exchange. In case they 
have lately returned from trafficking with the Euro- 
peans the presents they give will consist of shirts, head- 
gear, stockings, new blankets or some paints and ver- 
million, though the guests have brought but old articles, 
perhaps corn, hides, furs of beaver, wild cats, bears or 
some other animals. When those invited from other vil- 
lages arrive, the same is done at each new arrival (of 
guests) and the same reception is given to the people of 
each village. When all are assembled they get them to 
dance three ' days in succession, during which one of 
those who called them to the feast invites twenty per- 
sons, more or less, to the feast at his place, and then a 
certain number are chosen from each tribe and detached 
from the rest of the tribe, who keep on dancing. But 
instead of serving them with victuals at this feast, they 
give them presents, such as kettles, hatchets, etc.; noth- 
ing, however, to eat. These presents then become the 
common property of the tribe: should they consist in 


articles of food, they may cat them at once, which they But whenever he seems to revive and regain his senses, 

•do very readily, for they are never wanting in appetite, they cease to cry, commencing, however, their wails and 

Another will do the same in regard to the other dancers; lamentations over again as often as the sick man falls 

they will be invited to come to his lodge (to receive pres- into convulsions or gets weak spells. When he is dead, 

ents). Thus they treat their guests until all of the vil- or a moment before expiring, they place him in a sitting 

lages have given in their turn such kind of donation position as if he were still alive, his back being supported, 

feasts. During the three days that the dance lasts, they I will say here, en passant, that I have seen some whose 

squander all they have in the line of merchandise and death agony lasted for more than twenty-four hours and 

other goods, and reduce themselves to extreme poverty, who made terrible grimaces and contortions, their eyes 

and that to such an extent that they do not keep for rolling in the most horrible manner. You would have 

themselves even a hatchet or a knife. Oftentimes all believed that the soul of the dying man saw and noticed 

they keep is an old kettle for their use. Their intention some enemy, although he was senseless and almost dead, 

in making these donations is to render the souls of the The dead remain in a sitting position until the next day 

departed more happy and honored in the Land of the and are kept in this posture by their relatives and friends 

Dead, for they believe they are under strict obligation who come to see them. They are also assisted from time 

to comply with all that is observed at funeral obsequies, to time by an old woman who places herself before the 

and that only such kinds of donations can give repose female relatives of the deceased there present; shedding 

to the departed. It is customary for them to* give all hot tears, she begins a lugubrious song, all the other 

they have without reserve at funeral ceremonies and women joining in, and whenever she stops singing, they 

other superstitious performances. Some of those who do the same. They then offer her a piece of meat, or 

have imbibed the milk of religion (become Christians) a plate of grain or something else. 

have not entirely abandoned this kind of customs, and "As to the men, they do not weep, that being 
with the body they bury all that belonged to the deceased unworthy of them. Only the father of the deceased 
during life. Such feasts of the dead were formerly cele- evinces by his mournful song that there is nothing in 
brated every year, each tribe in its turn giving such a the world that can console him for the loss of his son. 
feast, they mutually invite then, one another to the A brother does the same for an elder brother, if he has 
feast. Since some years, however, these things are no received from him during life sensible tokens of tender- 
longer practiced among some of them, as the French, ness and friendship. He disrobes, daubs his face with 
who have much intercourse with them, made them coal and red streaks; he has his bow and arrow in hand 
understand that this useless squandering of their goods as if he meant to attack the first man he would meet, 
ruined their families and reduced them to such straits as Chanting a song in the most furious manner, he runs 
not to have even the necessaries of life." like a madman through the streets and wigwams with- 
Speaking of the manner in which the Indians con- out shedding a tear, showing to all who meet him how 
duct their funeral ceremonies, the same writer says: great is the sorrow he feels at the loss of his brother. 
"When an Ottawa or other Indian is about to die, they This moves the hearts of his neighbors to compassion, 
bedeck him with the most beautiful trinkets his folks and engages them to make up among themselves a pres- 
have, I mean his parents and relatives. They arrange ent for the deceased, declaring in the harangue that 
his hair and paint it with red paint mixed with grease, accompanies it that this present is given to dry the tears 
They also daub his body and face with vermillion and put of the dead man's relatives and that the mat which they 
a shirt on him of the nicest kind if there be any on hand, give him is intended for him to repose on (in the Land 
He is clothed with a jacket and blanket of the richest, of Spirits); if the gift consists of bark (birch bark), they 
kind — in one word, he is dressed as gaudily as if he were say it is intended to preserve his body from the injurious 
to give a great feast. They carefully adorn the place effects of the weather. 

where he lies with strings of beads, circlets (of fancy "When they are about to bury the body, they go for 

' stones) and other gewgaws. His arms are at his side, the persons chosen for this function. They erect a scaf- 

and at his feet generally all that he used in war during fold from seven to eight feet high, which is used instead 

life. All his relatives, and especially the medicine-men, of a grave, and on it the body is placed. If he is to be 

are about him. buried in the ground, they dig for him a grave of only 

"When the sick man appears to be in agony and on four or five feet. During all this time the family despoil 

the point of expiring, his female relatives and others themselves, bringing him grain (corn, wild rice), furs, 

who have been hired for the purpose begin to cry, sing- or other merchandise to be placed on the scaffold or 

ing mournful songs in which mention is made of the near his grave. This done, they carry there the body 

degree of relationship between them and the dying man. in the same posture he had when dying, and with the 



same ornaments he wore at that time. He has his arms deceased and congratulated upon their charitableness." 

near him and all that had been placed at his feet before Warren tells us that, when an Ojibway dies, his body is 

dying-. After the funeral ceremonies are over, and the placed in the grave, generally in a sitting posture and 

body is buried, they richly pay those who have buried always facing the West. With the remains are buried 

him, giving them a kettle or some strings of beads for all of the articles needed in life for a journey. If, there- 

their trouble. fore, the deceased be a man, his gun, blanket, kettle, 

"All the people of the village are obliged to assist at fire-steel, flint and moccasins are laid beside him, while 

the funeral. The whole being concluded, a certain man if it be a woman, her moccasins, ax, portage-collar, 

presents himself amongst them, holding in his hand a blanket and kettle are so placed. The reason for plac- 

small green stick of the thickness of a thumb and about ing the body in a position facing the West is owing to a 

four fingers in length. This he throws into the midst of belief on the part of these people that their home after 

the crowd. The great point now is to catch the green death lies to the westward; to use their own words, the 

stick; if it falls on the ground, everyone scrambles for it Road of Souls is called Ke-wa-kun-ah, or Homeward 

and tries to pick it up, pushing and pulling one another Road. It is also on occasions named Che-ba-kun-ah, 

with so great violence that in less than an hour it has Road of Souls. Mr. Warren states of his own personal 

passed through the hands of all those present. If, finally, knowledge that in the ceremony pertaining to the burial 

someone of the crowd has managed to possess himself of their dead the old men of the tribe in addressing the 

of it and shows it without it being taken from him, he remains generally use the word Ke-go-way-se-kab, 

sells it at a fixed price to the first person who wants to which means "you are going homeward." As a rule this 

buy it. The price will often be a kettle, gun, or blanket, road is represented as passing mostly through an open 

The guests are then told to meet again for a similar and prairie country. This authority gives as his opinion 

ceremony, the day being appointed; this is done several that it is probably from these beliefs that ages ago the 

times, as I have said. Ojibways resided westward and occupied a country 

"After this game a proclamation is made that there "flowing, in milk and honey" — a country abounding in 

will be another prize for the best runner among the all that tends to their enjoyment and happiness, and to 

men. The race course is indicated from the place which they look back as the' tired traveler on a desert 

whence they are to start until the spot where it is said looks to a beautiful oasis, or as the wanderer looks back 

they are to arrive. All the young men dress and form to the once happy home of his childhood, 

a long line in an open field. At the first shout of the The Ojibway believes that the soul stands immc- 

man appointed for that office, they start to run for some diately after the death of the body on a deep beaten path 

distance from the village, and the first one who arrives which leads to the westward. Here the first obstacle he 

at the other end bears off the prize. comes in contact with while following this path is the 

"Some days afterward the parents of the deceased get great Oda-e-min (Heartberry) or strawberry, which 

up a feast consisting of meat, corn, and wild rice, to stands on the roadside like a huge rock, and from which 

which all those of the village are invited who are not he takes a handful and eats on his way. He then travels 

their relatives and who descend from families different forward until he reaches a deep, rapid stream of water, 

from theirs (i. e. not having the same totemic mark), over which lies the much dreaded Ko-go-gaup-o-gun or 

These also are invited, especially the ones who have rolling and sinking bridge, the passage of which is a 

made presents to the deceased. They invite to it Strang- most dangerous undertaking. Having passed it in 

ers from other villages, if any such happen to be pres- safety, however, when the traveler looks back, it appears 

ent, and they inform their guests that it is the deceased to him to have assumed the shape of a huge serpent, 

who gives them this feast. Should the feast consist of swimming, twisting and untwisting its folds across the 

meat, they will take a piece and this has to be carried stream. For four nights following this experience, he 

to the grave and placed on it; they do the same with camps out, traveling during the daytime over prairie 

other kinds of food. Women, girls and children are country, when the soul finally arrives in the Land of 

allowed to eat these things (placed on the grave), but Spirits, where he finds his relatives accumulated since 

not grown-up men, for they are to look upon this as mankind was first created. Now all is turned to rejoic- 

unworthy of them. At this feast everyone is at liberty ing, singing and dancing, an eternity of life being spent 

to eat what he likes and to take the rest home. They in the beautiful country interspersed with clear lakes 

make considerable presents in merchandise to all those and streams, forests and prairies where fruit abounds 

strangers who previously have done the same to the and game is to be found with repletion, 

deceased, but those of their own tribe receive nothing. Latter-day ceremonies in the burial of the dead seem 

They are then thanked for having remembered the to be about the same, as we discovered in the descrip- 



tion given by Morse of that ceremony. In his report feast which is designed to regale those of his tribe that 

to the government in 1822, he tells us that when an come to pronounce his eulogium. 

Indian dies his relations put on him his best clothes ''After the breath has departed, the body is dressed 

and either bury him in the ground or put him on a scaf- in the same attire it usually wore whilst living, his face 

fold; but the former is the most common mode of dis- is painted and he is seated in an erect posture on a mat 

posing of the dead. As soon as an Indian dies, his rela- or skin placed in the middle of the hut, with his weapons 

tions engage three or four persons to bury the body, by his side. His relations being seated around, each 

They make a rough coffin of a piece of a canoe or some harangues in turn the deceased, and if he has been a 

bark; the body is then taken to the grave in a blanket great warrior, recounts his heroic actions nearly in the 

or buffalo skin and placed in the coffin, together witli following purport, which in the Indian language is 

the hatchet, knives, etc., and then covered over with extremely poetical and pleasing: 'You still sit among 

earth. Some of the near relations follow the corpse, the us, brother; your person retains its usual resemblance 

women on this occasion appearing to be much affected, and continues similar to ours without any visible defici- 

If the deceased was a warrior, a post is usually erected ency, except that it has lost the power of action. But 

at his head on which is painted red crosses of different whither is that breath flown which a few hours ago sent 

sizes to denote the number of men, women and children up smoke to the Great Spirit? Why are those lips 

he has killed of the enemy during his life, which they silent that lately delivered to us expressive and pleasing 

believe he will claim as his slaves in the other world, language? Why are those feet motionless that a short 

It is frequently the case that some one of his friends time ago were fleeter than the deer on yonder moun- 

will strike a post or tree, and say: I will speak; he, then, tains? Why useless hang those arms that would climb 

in a loud voice, will continue: at such a place, I killed the tallest tree or draw the toughest bow? Alas! Every 

an enemy, I give his spirit to our departed friend; and part of that frame which we lately beheld with admira- 

sometimes he may give a greater number in the same tion and wonder is now become as inanimate as it was 

manner. The friends of the deceased will afterwards three hundred winters ago. We will not, however, 

frequently take victuals, tobacco and other necessaries bemoan thee as if thou wast forever lost to us or that 

to his grave, believing that whatever they present to him thy name would be buried in oblivion; thy soul yet 

in this manner he will have in the other world. lives in the Great Country of Spirits with those of thy 

An Indian always mourns for near relations from six nation that are gone before thee, and though we are 

to twelve months by neglecting his personal appearance left behind to perpetuate thy fame, we shall one day join 

and blackening his face, and other signs. A woman will thee. Actuated by the respect we bore thee whilst living, 

mourn for the loss of her husband at least twelve we now come to tender to thee the last act of kindness 

months, during which time she appears to be very soli- it is in our power to bestow: that thy body might not 

tary and sad, never speaking to anyone unless necessary, lie neglected on the plain and become a prey to the 

and always wishing to be alone. At the expiration of beasts of the field or the fowls of the air, we will take 

her mourning, she will paint and dress as formerly, and care to lay it with those of thy predecessors who are 

endeavor to secure another husband. gone before thee, hoping at the same time that thy spirit 

One of the most interesting accounts extant of the will feed with their spirits and be ready to receive ours 

manner in which the Indians treated their dead is given when we shall arrive in the Country of Souls.' 
by Jonathan Carver in describing his travels through ''In short speeches, somewhat similar to this, does 

the interior parts of North America. This account is as every chief speak the praises of his departed friend. 

follows: "The Indian meets death when it approaches When they have so done, if they happen to be at a 

him in his hut with the same resolution he has often great distance from the place of interment appropriated 

faced him in the field. His indifference relative to this to their tribe, and the person dies during the winter 

important article, which is the source of so many appre- season, they wrap the body in skins and lay it on a 

hensions to almost every other nation, is truly admirable. high stage built for this purpose, or on the branches 

When his fate is pronounced by the physician and it of a large tree, till the spring arrives. They then carry 

remains no longer uncertain, he harangues those about it, together with all those belonging to the same nation, 

him with the greatest composure. to the general burial place, where it is interred with 

"If he is a chief and has a family, he makes a kind some other ceremonies. 
of funeral oration, winch he concludes by giving to his "After the interment, the band to which the person 

children such advice for the regulation of their conduct belongs take care to fix near the place such hiero- 

as he thinks necessary. He then takes leave of his glyphics as shall show to future ages his merit and 

friends and issues out orders for the preparation of a accomplishments. If any of these people die in the sum- 



mer at a distance from the burying ground, and they about five feet. After passing the entrance, the con- 
find it impossible to remove the body before it putrefies, ditions are immediately changed, the height or dome 
they burn the flesh from the bones, and, preserving the then reaching to an average of some fifteen feet, while 
latter, bury them in the manner described. the width extends to fully thirty feet. The floor or bot- 

"As the Indians believe that the souls of the deceased torn of this cave consists of clear, fine sand. Not over 

employ themselves in the same manner in the Country of twenty feet from the entrance, the explorer comes upon 

Spirits as they did on earth, that they acquire their food a lake of water which is perfectly transparent and extends 

by hunting and have there, also, enemies to contend with, to an unmeasured distance within. In this cave the 

they take care that they do not enter those regions explorer Carver found many hieroglyphics, the charac- 

defenseless and unprovided; they consequently bury ter of which indicated beyond doubt that they were of 

with them their bows, their arrows and all other great age. These had been cut in a rude manner upon 

weapons used in either hunting or war. As they the walls, which were composed almost entirely of 

doubt not but they will likewise have occasion exceedingly soft stone which was easily manipulated 

both for the necessaries of life and those things with a knife-blade. At a short distance from this remark- 

they esteem as ornaments, they usually deposit in their able cavern lay the burying ground of several bands of 

tombs such skins or stuffs as they commonly made their the Naudowessie Indians. These people had no regular 

garments of, domestic utensils and paint for ornamenting abiding place, going from one point to another as best 

their person. suited their inclination. Nevertheless, they always pre- 

"The near relations of the deceased lament his loss served the bones of their dead with the greatest care 

with an appearance of great sorrow and anguish; they until such time should arrive when they could once more 

weep and howl and make use of many contortions as deposit them in this particular spot. 

they sit in the hut or tent around the body, when the The historian Parkman also treats of this subject in a 

intervals between the praise of the chiefs will permit. lengthy and interesting manner, referring to the placing 

'One formality in mourning for the dead among the of the corpse, the attendance of friends and relatives, 

Naudowessies is very different from any mode I observed the wails of the mourners, speeches of the chieftains, the 

in the other nations through which I passed. The men, funeral feast, the gifts and games as similar to those 

to show how great their sorrow is, pierce the flesh of already mentioned. He says, however, that the body 

their arms above the elbows with arrows, the scars of was usually laid on a scaffold from whence at intervals 

which I could perceive on those of every rank in a of ten or a dozen years each of the four nations compris- 

greater or less degree, and the women cut and gash ing the Huron Confederacy would gather their dead to- 

their legs with sharp broken flints till the blood flows gether and convey them to some given place as a sepul- 

very plentifully. ture. It was at this time, also, that the feast of the dead, 

"The Indians in general are very strict in the observ- always regarded by the Hurons as their most solemn and 
ance of their laws relative to mourning for their dead, important ceremonial, was held. Such a ceremonial the 
In some nations they cut off their hair, blacken their writer refers to as having been called by the chiefs of the 
faces and sit in an erect posture with their heads closely nation of the Bear in 1836. The interest on this occasion 
covered and depriving themselves of every pleasure, was intensified undoubtedly by the fact that some jeal- 
This severity is continued for several months, and with ousies had arisen among the nations forming the con- 
some relaxations the appearance is sometimes kept up federacy which culminated in the refusal of some of them 
for several years. I was told that when the Naudow- to take part in the general celebration, they announcing 
essies recollected any incidents of the lives of their that they would hold their own feast apart from the 
deceased relations even after an interval of ten years, rest. This determination, though meeting with strenu- 
they would howl so as to be heard at a great distance, ous opposition on the part of the oldest of the nation, 
They would sometimes continue this proof of respect was carried out. All those who had seceded from the 
and affection for several hours, and if it happened that guidance of the Sachems retired to their towns and vil- 
the thought occurred and the noise was begun towards lages to prepare their dead for burial, 
the evening, those of their tribe who were at hand would The scene which followed, Parkman tells us, is almost 
join with them." beyond description. Corpses were taken from the scaf- 

At a distance of some thirty miles below the Falls folds or removed from their graves and laid in a row, 

of St. Anthony is a large cave of remarkable depth. By where they were surrounded by a weeping, shrieking, 

the Indians it is called Wakon-Teebe, meaning the howling and frantic crowd. Here the remains of each 

Dwelling of the Great Spirit. The entrance to this cave were claimed by its own, who immediately proceeded 

is about ten feet in width, the height at that point being to remove whatever flesh remained upon the bones, the 


latter then, after much caressing', being wrapt in skins 
and otherwise adorned. This excessive care was taken 
owing to the fact that it was a firm belief of the abori- 
gines that the soul 1 still remained with them, only taking 
its flight after the great ceremony had been carried out 
to its completion. 

A feast followed these preparatory arrangements, 
after which the mourners began their march towards 
Ossossane, where the final rites were to be performed. 
The bodies of those more recently dead which had not 
been disturbed were borne to this place on litters, while 
the packages of bones were slung across the shoulders 
of the relatives. In this manner the procession slowly 
marched through the forest, uttering at stated intervals, 
in unison, the wailing cry which was intended to imitate 
the voices of disembodied souls winging their way 
towards the Spirit Land. From every town along the 
way, with the exception of those who had rebelled, addi- 
tions were made to the procession, the number being so 
great that the extensive houses at Ossossane were 
unequal to the task of accommodating all. In the mean- 
time the national games and other exercises resorted to 
on similar occasions were being carried on, the youths 
and younger women combating in archery and other 
sports for prizes offered. Finally the time arrived for 
the chief ceremony, when all of the relics of the departed 
having been gathered together, the procession again 
formed, each section bearing its dead towards the spot 
allotted for the performance of the last rites. Arriving 
there, their remains or bundles were laid on the ground, 
while those bearing the funeral gifts spread them out to 
the view and for the admiration of those present. Then 
followed another feast, at the conclusion of which and 
numerous harangues attending it, the grave was pre- 
pared for the reception of the dead. Into this grave 
were cast all imaginable things, the entire orifice being 
lined with rich robes of the beaver. Three large copper 
kettles were also placed in the middle (in some instances 
many more were used, as many as twenty-six having 
been found in one grave), after which the remains were 
handed down to a number of Indians who had descended 
into the grave for that purpose and arranged by them 
in position. This task was followed by the arranging 
of the bones, which, released from their coverings of 
skin, were next thrown into the general sepulture. This 
part of the ceremony over, earth, logs and stones were 
piled upon the grave and the ceremony 2 was complete. 

The Northern Algonquins had also a solemn feast of 
the dead, but it was widely different from that of the 
Huron, which is described by Lalcmant in the Relation 
Des Hurons, 1642. 

tribal Government. 

"There has always been a general tendency among 
the Europeans," says Ellis, "to overestimate the pres- 
ence, method and the influence of anything to be prop- 
erly called government in the internal administration of 
Indian tribes. The nearest approach to what we regard 
as organization, representation and joint fellowship 
among the Indians is presented to us in what is known 
as 'The Iroquois League,' which has had an imaginative 
delineation in the exquisite poem of Hiawatha, and 
approximately a truthful historical description by the 
late Lewis H. Morgan, an adopted member of the tribe 
and familiar from early years with its rich traditions. 
There seems to have been more of system and method 
in the confederated league of the tribes composing the 
union than there was of like organization in each of its 
component parts. 

"In the several independent or even affiliated Indian 
tribes with which the Europeans came in contact from 
the first colonization, the latter assumed that there was a 
tolerably well-arranged method in each of them for the 
administration of affairs of peace and war by a chief and 
his council, who had an almost arbitrary authority; that 
he received tribute which was equivalent to a system of 
taxation; and that the proceeds constituted a sort of com- 
mon treasury to be drawn upon for public uses. Many 
grievances alleged by Sachems at subsequent periods 
was that they ceased to pay the tribute which they had 
previously rendered to their chiefs. There may, there- 
fore, have been instances, more or less defined, in which 
such usages prevailed among the tribes. But it is safe 

eral parts of New Turk, especially near the River 

. Aboriginal Monuments of New York.) This was 
of the ancient territory of the Neuters. One of 

been discovered in 
Niagara. (See Sqi 
the eastern < ' 
these deposit: 

place. (See Marshall. Historical 
Sketches of the Niagara Frontier, 8.) In Canada West they are found 
throughout the region once occupied by the Neuters, and are frequent in 

t district. 
"Dr. Tache writes 
on country), the : 

; inspected sixteen bone-pits (in the 

man says: "For other descriptions of these rites, see Charlevoix, Bres- 
sani, Du Creux and especially Latitau. in whose work they are illustrated 
with engravings. In one form or another they are widely prevalent. 

1 found in Tennes 

vidently of kindred origin, 

of which is indicated on the little pencil 
map i sena you. They contain from six hundred to twelve hundred 
skeletons each of both sexes and all ages all mixed together purposely. 
With one exception, these pits also contain pipes oi stone or clay, small 
earthen pots, shells ami wampum wrought of these shells, copper orna- 
ments, bits of glass and other trinkets. Some pits contained articles of 
copper of aboriginal Mexican fabric' 

"This remarkable fact, together with the frequent occurrence in 
these graves of large conch-shells of which wampum is made, and which 
procured only from the Gulf of Mexico or some part 
' "' tes, proves the extent of the rela- 
s were passed from tribe to tribe 
i of pipes from the famous Red 
Pipe-Stone Quarry of the St. Peter's to tribes more than a thousand 
miles distant is an analogous modem instance, though much less remark- 

"The Tache Museum 
large collection of remain 
human bones are of a size 
case, the Huron graves co; 
pean workmanship. From 
or its practice of inhumath 
the arrival of the French.' 

that may be called gigantic. In nearly e 
ained articles of use or ornaments of I 
lis it may be inferred that the 
i, does not date b ' 

l period long before 


to say that they were by no means general, still less 
indicative of a universal custom of Indian government. 
There was no occasion for endowing a chief, or for fur- 
nishing him a salary. The probability is that there has 
been more of organized and of administrative order in 
several of the tribes since the coming of the whites than 
there was before, and that modifications and adaptations 
of original Indian us'ages or a recourse to some wholly 
new ones have necessarily followed upon intimacy oi 
relations with the strangers. When the whites wished to 
make a treaty with a tribe to obtain a grant of land or to 
execute any other like covenant, they would naturally 
call for such persons among them as had authority, 
executive and decisive, for acting for the tribes. These 
the whites called kings, chieftains, sachems, counselors; 
while the commonalty were called subjects. The facts 
certainly soon came to conform to this view of the 
whites; but it is doubtful whether such had previously 
been the state of things. Especially is it doubtful 
whether the members of a tribe considered themselves as 
subjects of their chief, in our sense of the word. Our 
term 'citizens' would more properly apply to them. They 
spoke of themselves as the people of the tribe." 

The writer continues: "There was a wide variety as to 
headship and methods of organization among the scat- 
tered tribes of the aborigines on this continent. We find 
frequent instances in which headship was divided into 
two distinct functions, there being the chief for affairs 
of war and another for civil administration — a fighter 
and an orator. The 'Paw-waws,' priests or medicine-men, 
had functions in the government. Sometimes the hered- 
itary headship ran in the male; sometimes in the female 
line, and occasionally it ran off into collateral branches. 
The holding of a headship, if its possessor was of 
marked ability, gave him a large range to assert author- 
ity and assured to him full liberty and acquiescence in 
its exercise. The ablest Indians with whom the whites 
have had the most serious relations in peace or war have 
been without exception the chiefs of their tribes. There 
have been but few of these great men born sovereigns 
and patriots compared with the vastly larger number of 
ordinary and petty Sachems who have held their places. 
Often, too, the character and qualities of the so-called 
subjects would influence the functions and authority of a 
chief as well as indicate what sort of man he had need 
to be. 

"Under the term 'belts,' Europeans name the 
wrought and ornamented strips of skin or cloth in use 
by the natives, made by themselves and employed to 
signify or ratify covenants, pledges and treaties in their 
councils upon the more serious affairs among their own 
tribes or with the whites. As first known to the whites, 
through the Indians near the coast, these 'belts' called 

"wampum' were often used as currency and ornaments. 
There they were made of little fragments of sea- 
shells; in the interior, of other hard and glittering frag- 
ments — glass, beads, etc. The laying them down or 
passing them from hand to hand marks emphatic points 
in an address, or impresses its close. The intent is that 
these 'belts' shall be preserved and identified with the 
occasion and pledge in giving and receiving them. The 
nomadic and inconstant habits of the natives do not 
favor this preservation, but in some instances they have 
been cherished and handed down through careful trans- 
mission in a tribe and acquired sacred associations." 

By other and preceding authorities who visited and 
dwelt among the Indians before their habits and customs 
had become contaminated by close and frequent asso- 
ciations with the whites, we are told that there was a 
defined principle of government and rules pertaining 
to the conduct of the same among the aborigines. From 
these sources we learn that every separate body of 
Indians was divided into bands or tribes, each of which 
forms a little community by itself, although directly 
belonging to and dominated by the nation and its laws. 
Each nation is also distinguished by some particular 
symbol and each band or tribe has a badge peculiar to 
itself and by which it is recognized, such as that of the 
panther, tiger, buffalo or eagle. Among the numerous 
bands of the Naudowessie were to be found those of the 
tortoise, the squirrel, the wolf, the snake and the buf- 
falo. So permanent, in fact, was this rule or law among 
all the nations that the very meanest member of a com- 
munity was thoroughly grounded in his lineal descent, 
so that he could readily and unhesitatingly distinguish 
himself by his respective family 1 . 

Nations were also readily to be distinguished by the 
manner in which they constructed their dwellings, and, 
in fact, such adepts were they in this peculiar art that, 
while to the untrained eye there might not appear to be 
the slightest difference, they will readily discover even 
from so trivial ah incident or circumstance as the posi- 
tion of a pole left in the ground what nation had 
encamped on that spot many months before. Of tribal 
government we are told that every band has a chief 
termed "the great chief," or "chief warrior," who is 
selected to that position for his known and tried valor 
and great experience in war. There is also another 2 who 

(1) It was owing to this marked distinction of tribes, and the par- 
ticular attachment of the Indians to them, that more than one authority 
has been given to express as his belief that this people originated from the 

(2) Though these two are considered as the heads of the band, and 
the latter is usually denominated their king, yet the Indians are sensible 

of m ' 


lus liberty, all miunotinns that < 

command are instantly reject ,-d with scorn. 

On this account, it is seldom that their leaders are so indiscreet as 
to give out any of their orders in a peremptory style; a bare hint from a 
chief that he thinks stnh a thing necessary to be done, instantly arouses 
an emulation among the inferior ranks and is immediately executed with 
great alaeritv. Hv this method, the disgustful part of the command is 
evaded and an authority that falls little short of absolute sway instituted 
in its stead.— Carver. 

with them the period of positive 

, 158 


directs in civil affairs, who might with all propriety be 
designated the Sachem of tiie tribe. To this chief be- 
longs the important duty of making conveyances and 
treaties, and attending to other civil affairs, to each of 
which he affixes the mark of the tribe or nation. 

So far from being arbitrary and dictatorial were the 
methods adopted by the head men and chiefs in the 
direction of the people, that it virtually appeared as 
though there was no government at all; nor could it be 
otherwise, for these people were most emphatic in their 
belief in personal rights and personal equality, and there- 
fore would not for one moment allow such distinction 
as magistrate and subject, each, in fact, appearing to 
enjoy an uncontrollable and untrammeled independence. 
"The object of government among them," says Carver, 
"is rather foreign than domestic, for their attention 
seems more to be employed in preserving such a union 
among the members of their tribe as will enable them to 
watch the motions of their enemies, and to act against 
them with concert and vigor, than to maintain interior 
order by any public regulations. If the scheme that 
appears to be of service to the community is proposed 
by the chief, everyone is at liberty to choose whether 
he will assist in carrying it on; for they have no com- 
pulsory laws that lay them under any restrictions. If 
violence is committed or blood is shed, the right of 
revenging these misdemeanors is left to the family of 
the injured. The chiefs assume neither the power of 
inflicting nor moderating the punishment." 

From the same authority, we gather the fact that in 
some nations, where the dignity is hereditary, succession 
is limited to the female line. For instance, when a chief 
dies, he sometimes is succeeded by his sister's son, 
although there may be one of his own living, or, perhaps, 
he failing to have a sister, the dignity is transferred to the 
next nearest female relation. In the general management 
of affairs, the interests of the family are carefully guarded, 
each being permitted (did they so desire) to appoint one 
of its chiefs to act as an assistant to the principal chief, 
who watches over the interests of his family and with- 
out whose consent no matter of a public character can 
be executed. 

From his observations among the Indian tribes, 
Morse tells us that except in particular cases a majority 
of Indian nations are governed principally by the advice 
of their chiefs and the fear of punishment from the Evil 
Spirit, not only in this, but in the world to come. 

Of their education, the same authority, in his report 
to the United States government, says: "A great deal of 
pains is taken by the chiefs and principal men to impress 
upon the minds of the younger part of their respective 
nations what they believed to be their duty to them- 
selves and to each other. As soon as daylight appears, 

it is a custom among the Sauks and Foxes for the chief 
or principal man to go through their respective villages, 
exhorting and advising them in a very loud voice what 
to do and how to conduct themselves. Their families, 
in general, appear to be well regulated. All the labo- 
rious duties of the lodge and of the field, however, 
devolve upon the women, except what little assistance 
the old men are able to afford. 

"The children, both boys and girls, appear to be par- 
ticularly under the charge of their mothers; the boys 
until they are of a suitable age to handle the bow or the 
gun. Corporal punishment is seldom resorted to for 
correction. If they commit any fault deserving correc- 
tion, it is common for their mother to blacken their 
faces and send them out of the lodge; when this is done, 
they are not allowed to eat until it is washed off; some- 
times they are kept a whole day in this situation as pun- 
ishment for their misconduct. 

"When the boys are six or seven years of age, a small 
bow with arrows is put into their hands and they are 
sent out to hunt birds around the lodge, or village; this 
they continue to do five or six years, and then their 
father purchases them short guns and they begin to 
hunt ducks, geese, etc. Their father, particularly in 
winter evenings, will relate to them the manner of 
approaching the deer, elk, or buffalo; also the manner of 
setting a trap; and when able -to he will take them hunt- 
ing with him and show them the tracks of different ani- 
mals. To all these instructions the boys pay earnest 

"The girls, as a matter of course, are under the direc- 
tion of their mothers, who show them how to make 
moccasins, leggings and mats. The mother is very par- 
ticular to keep them continually employed, so that they 
may have the reputation of being industrious girls, 
which is a recommendation to the young men." 

In what has preceded on this subject has been 
given — necessarily in a somewhat fragmentary and lim- 
ited manner — a description of the customs, habits and 
peculiarities of the American Indian. It is an interesting 
study, deserving of most careful consideration; for with 
the history of these people and their ways is indelibly 
intertwined that of a vast and important continent, and 
it therefore comes in a measure as a great disappoint- 
ment that more time as well as space have not been 
afforded for its discussion. We have now, therefore, 
arrived at the time and place where must be given a 
brief description of the particular nations and tribes 
among whom the Jesuit missionaries labored in Canada, 
Wisconsin and other portions of the Northwest, to 
which undertaking we now propose to address our- 
selves with as little delay as commensurate with the 
importance of the theme. 


One feature about the social side oi Indian life — 
which may still, perhaps, in what we have said about it, 
remain too obscure — is the domestic, which illustrates 
the peculiar manner and conditions on which the Indian 
household was founded. This refers in particular to the 
result of their polyandrous marriages, which made the 
female side of the family wholly and entirely responsible 
for the line of descent. It was in fact a direct reversal 
of all other conditions then and now known; the off- 
spring, to the utter ignoring of the paternal side of 
the house, being recognized as their child by the entire 
tribe, relying on the mother and the members of her 
family for those rights always accruing to one of legiti- 
mate birth. "The mother is a fact." says one authority, 

Only on rare occasions, as it became evident that the 
work which had been undertaken was beyond the 
strength of the woman, did he ever render the slightest 
assistance. His duties were simply to follow the war- 
path and to provide what food was necessary for sub- 
sistence. He also made his own clothing, moccasins 
and leggings, tanning the hides from which they were 
produced. Then, as now, the Indian was remarkably 
improvident in preparing for the days to come ; and 
thus, as a result of this carelessness and indifference, 
they were rarely known to accumulate any property. 

Of education, in the sense in which we to-day receive 
it, the Indian races knew nothing; and it is doubtful if 
the most enlightened among the nations would have 

"whose relation to her offspring cannot be disturbed by conceived the development of intellectual powers by 

any fictitious device or social complexity; but in poly- means of educational institutions, had it not been for 

andry fatherhood at once becomes obscure and indis- their association with the whites. In fact, there is noth- 

criminate." This condition virtually made an uncle of ing pointing to anything in the way of a school among 

the father; or rather he was equivalent to one, he having these people prior to their partial enlightenment through 

been born not as one of a family of brothers, but rather closer association with the whites. Indian education, 

of a family of cousins. "So," continues the same author- however, resolved itself into a spiritual desire on part 

ity, "the grandfather is not a grandfather but a grand- of the young to attain a similar proficiency in the arts 

uncle; the line of motherhood, however, stands fast, for peculiar to their times, as that accomplished by their 

the child cannot have one of several mothers, but only progenitors, and not through any excessive interest 

his own. Motherhood, but not fatherhood, is thus deter- 
minate and fixed." Thus it will be seen a tribe became 
more and more centralized, the condition of polyandry 
supervening to such an extent that if a man went out 
of his own tribe to marry, he did not bring his wife to 
that tribe, but went over to hers. With this kind of an 
arrangement "the individuality of the man can at most 
be maintained only during his life, his blood merging 
with that of the tribe of his wife. His children are 
necessarily of that tribe; but since polyandry is the rule, 
they, as a matter of fact, may not be his own. But then 
as a direct result of this peculiar condition of affairs, no 
feeling could be more intense than that which bound 
each warrior to his clan." 

The effects of these conditions, which almost uni- 
versally prevailed among the North American tribes, 
was to bring about two diverse results. Under these 
peculiar influences in the Northwest, as particularly seen 
among the Tinnehs, women attained a respectable rank, 
while among those dwelling in the Central and ex- 
tremely Southern parts of what at present constitutes 
the United States, the case was entirely the reverse. 
Among the Algonquins, Hurons, Iroquois, and other 
tribes, we are told women sank to a level of slavery and 
social degradation. Unhonored and despised of man, 
they were veritably made the hewers of stone and draw- 
ers of water, the family drudge and beast of burden, 
but little, if any, of the heavy labors falling to the man. 
The male, in fact, had an inborn dislike for work, and 
cultivated to an extraordinary degree that characteristic. 

shown by the latter to instruct them. "For this reason,'" 
says Ridpath, "the education of the Indian youth was 
the education of instinct and observation. He learned 
to do what his father did, and in so doing learned also 
the limited range of his father's thought and imagina- 
tion. This included the practical arts of building, canoe- 
making, weapon-making, garment-making, and also the 
art of writing. The latter art some of the Indian tribes 
possessed, but it existed in the hieroglyphic stage. 

"Perhaps no other people possessed a truer picture- 
writing than that produced by the Indians. It was 
wholty pictorial and allegorical, and therefore universal. 
The Indians were not without skill in inventing and 
making the symbolic characters of their system. They 
discovered those substances, chiefly the bark of trees, 
on which the writing might be most easily executed. 
The Indian scribes might readily address on the outer 
or inner bark of the tree the hieroglyphic in which infor- 
mation rather than thought was conveyed. In the nature 
of things the allegory would run to fact; exigencies of 
Indian life required that the writing employed should 
relate to facts and events, with only an occasional sym- 
bol of a truly ideal character. The delineation was gen- 
erally done with rude but significant skill which the 
reader could hardly mistake. Many conventionalities 
were introduced, some of which had respect to the par- 
ticular tribe employing the system, and others of a more 
general character, significant to all Indians, and indeed 
to all men." 


Cfte Indian— Cribes. 


The Algonquins and the Territory governed by them.— Subdivisions of this 
Family.— Language like that of other Tribes.— Huron-Iroquois Lan- 
guage.— Characteristics of the Algonquin Nation— Position as an 
Industrial Factor.— Views on Progression.— Artistic Accomplish- 
ments.— Perfection acquired in Tanning Hides and the Manufac- 
ture of Baskets and Wicker-Work.— Law and Government— Relig- 
ion.— The Hurons.— Their Allegiance to the French and Identity with 
the Establishment and Growth of the Catholic Missions throughout 
Canada, Wisconsin, Minnesota and the Northwest.— Country prima- 
rily occupied by them.— Various Estimates of the Extent and Popula- 
tion of these People.— Huron Towns and Dwellings.— Primitive Imple- 
ments of Agriculture and War.— Their Ordinary Dress and Robes of 
State.— The Huron-Iroquois.— The Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation — 
The Neutrals.— The Eries or Nation of the Cat.— The Iroquois.— Their 
Pre-eminence among Savage Nations. —The Five Nations.— Clans of the 
Iroquois.— The Grand Council of the Confederacy.— Deliberative Coun- 
cils and their Peculiar Purpose.— Punishment of Crime among the 
Iroquois.— Military Organization.— Highest Condition of Prosperity — 
The Ojibways.— Their ancient Dwelling Place near Lake Huron.— 
Their Ascent of the Black River, Wisconsin, and Settlement at Che- 
quamegon Bay.— Their Discovery of the Remains of Marquette in 
1676.— The Pottawattomies.— Their Settlement in the Vicinity of Green 
Bay, Wisconsin.— Father Verwyst's Account of them.— The Sacs.— 
Discovery of a Band of these People at Chequamegon Bay" by Father 
Allouez, who subsequently met with others at Green Bay and on the 
Fox River.— The Foxes.— The Illinois.— Characteristics and Habits.— 
Father Allouez's Reference to them in the Relation of 1673-79.— A num- 
ber of them found upon the Upper Fox and Others at Chequamegon 
Bay.— They receive Father Allouez at Mascoutin Village as a Deity.— 
They are visited by Father Marquette in 1673.— Sault Ste. Marie.— 
Large Settlement of Chippewas at Chequamegon Bay.— Doubtful 
Origin of these People.— Territory occupied by Them.— Distribution 
and Final Settlement of the Tribes. — Settlement of the Ojibways at 
La Pointe.— The Treaty of 1854.— The Crees and Sauteux of British 
America.— Dreams and Superstitions of these People.— The Dakotas.— 
Habits and Customs. 

t NE of the most widely distributed families of 
whom we shall take cognizance is that of the 
Algonquins, 1 who were distributed over a vast 
territory. 2 Those designated as Eastern Al- 
gonquins occupied the country south of the Great 

(1) Drake tells us that the Algonkins. as he called them, were 
scattered over a greater portion of Canada from low down the St. 
Lawrence to Lake of the Woods. 

The principal and most numerous among the several prin 

from their oral traditions, and the specimens of their different languages, 
which have been made public by various writers, travelers and mis- 
sionaries, nearly every tribe originally discovered by the Europeans 
residing on the shores of the Atlantic, from the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
south to the mouth of the James River in Virginia, and the different 
tribes occupying the vast area lying west and northwest of this eastern 
'— ks ■ 

3 of wilderness from the .Mississippi to the At- 

md from the Carolinas to Hudson Bay were divided between 
great families of tribes, distinguished by a radical difference of 

language. A part of Vir 

i and of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, South- 

i England, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and also 
Canada were occupied, so far as occupied at all, by tribes speaking 
the Algonquin languages and dialects. They extended moreover along 
the shores of the upper lakes, and into the dreary northern wastes 

Lakes down to the northern borders of Carolina, 
while the home of the Western Algonquins reached 
up as high as the 55th parallel of north latitude, and 
extended east and west from the Rocky Mountains to 
the Atlantic. This family was divided into four groups 
or tribes, the first of which comprised the nation of the 
Knisteneaux, between Lakes Winnipeg and Athabasca; 
the Ottawas, in the valley of the Ottawa River and 
around Lake Huron; the Chippewas of Upper Canada 
and the Northwest, and the Montagnais of Southern 
Labrador. The second division, or Eastern branch, con- 
sisted of the Mikmaks of Nova Scotia and New Bruns- 
wick, the Abenaquis of Eastern New England, the 
Penobscots, the Mohicans, the Pequods, the Manhattans 
and the Leni-Lennappes of Delaware. The third, or 
Southern division, included the Powhattans of Virginia, 
the Rappahannocks, Panticoes of Carolina and the Shaw- 
nees of the Central Western States. The last, or Western 
branch, included the Illinois, the Miamis of Ohio and 
Indiana, the Pottawattomies of Michigan, the Kaskas- 
kias, the Michigamies, Sacs, Foxes, Cheyennes, Arapa- 
hoes and Blackfeet. 

It is with these people the whites had what may be 
termed the larger historical acquaintance, and undoubt- 
edly from them, as believes one learned authority, the 
popular system of Indian character has been more 
largely derived. 

Of the Algonquin language it may be said, as of 
most others among the American tribes, that it was not 
poor in nominal or descriptive words, but rather that 
those two elements constituted its real strength. Of its 
extent, Ridpath tells us that there was a marked absence 
of the power of abstraction and generalization in the 
Indian mind, the result being that their words had a 
narrow, acute and useful significance. Thus he contin- 
ues, "particular trees or kinds of trees would be named, 
while the general notion of a tree and the corresponding 
term would be wanting. It was easy for an Indian to 
name a tall, white-bark tree by the spring; more difficult 
for him to name the birch trees; most difficult for him 
to name forest trees in general; impossible for him to 

Like a great island in the midst of the Algonquins lay the country of 
the tribes speaking the generic tongue of the Iroquois. 

(a) The word Algonquin is here uesd in its lu-nadest signification. It 
wns originally applied to a group of tribes north of the River St. Lawrence. 
~ difference of language t "" 

England, the Ojibways of the Great La! 

■''"-- lifferenoe between French am 

languages again had its dial 

corn spoil. 1 to the dil'fei 
ish. Each of t.— ' 
provinces of F 

r the Illinois of the V 


name the vegetable kingdom. This disposition in thought 
and in speech runs through every avenue of Indian 
mentality and every department of his language. It was 
true of noun, adjective and verb. The Indian could 
easily speak of killing- a-buck-with-an-arrow, of taking- 
a-fish-with-a-hook, of cutting-a-burnt-sapling-with-his- 
hatchet, of setting-a-bear-trap, and hundreds of other 
specific actions; but he could not say to hunt, to fish, 
to chop, to strap, nor could he readily express any 
abstract verbal act. All words were narrow and intensi- 
fied to a remarkable degree. The avenues to abstract 
reasoning to broad generalization were closed alike in 
Indian thought and in the forms of that speech in which 
the thought sought expression." 

Another peculiarity of the Indian language was a 
marked desire for specialization, and hence a general 
unwillingness "with the different classes, so far as such 
classes existed among the Indians, to use the same 
forms of expression." It was therefore commonly under- 
stood that each class should understand the language or 
speech of the other, but that each in turn should use the 
language belonging to his particular class. Thus Rid- 
path tells us there was a language of chieftainship; the 
chief had a certain "noble tongue" which he used and 
which his tribesmen and squaws understood, and to 
which they responded, but not in like terms. Co-relatively 
the chieftain understood the language of his braves and 
women, but used it as little as practicable. There was 
also a brave language as well as a squaw language, and 
to a certain extent a pappoose language. The squaw 
and her husband in communicating did not use the 
same vocabulary, or used it only in parts; the brave 
spoke in the brave speech, and the squaw in hers. 

Reference to this subject would not be complete, 
however, without a few words regarding the principal 
features of the Huron-Iroquois languages, a people so 
closely related with the present work. "It is possible," 
says Ridpath, "that the language of the tribes so named 
rose to the highest level attained by any of the Indian 
races within the borders of the United States. The 
feature of Huron-Iroquois speech, however, were com- 
mon to all the Indian languages with only specific devel- 
opments. Thus, for instance, every noun might become 
a verb, or vice versa. The article and the preposition 
were wanting, and the adjectives few. There was the 
same absence of case and gender endings, the same 
involution of the pronoun with the verb, and the same 
fluctuation of verbal post-position to denote whether 
the subjects of the actions expressed were animate or 
inanimate. Such features prevailed also in the language 
of the Athabascans and the Dakotas. The reader must 
understand that there was, however, a large ' dialectal 
difference presenting itself in each of these different 

tongues. Some had differentiated in one direction and 
others in another. Even the subordinate tribes of the 
Dakotas could not understand each other, or understood 
but vaguely without an interpreter. As the inquirer 
passes from nation to nation, he notes a constant trans- 
formation of the vocabulary and the appearance and dis- 
appearance of dialectal peculiarities. These laws of 
mutation continue to operate through all the races of 
our continent, producing as their results an array of 
active dialects which none could number or define, and 
larger groups of languages rising gradually and coa- 
lescing on certain lines of identity, along which all of 
them were to be interpreted and understood." 

The Algonquin nation was not of a progressive char- 
acter — that is, at least so far as general industries were 
concerned, being satisfied to limit their experiments and 
labors in that direction to what was absolutely necessary. 
In this they were guided according to their social or 
personal status, in which they might perhaps more satis- 
factorily be graded from a state of almost absolute bar- 
barism upwards to a semi-civilized condition. The 
Algonquins, like others of the aborigines, followed agri- 
culture to an extremely limited extent, raising corn, 
squashes, beans and tobacco in quantities to supply their 
absolute needs, but no more. Of iron, until learning of 
its value from the white man, they had no knowledge 
whatever, and but a limited acquaintance with the use 
of copper, though some of the more advanced among 
them smelted that metal. Generally, however, the native 
ore was hammered into shape for weapons, but rarely 
used for utensils. In the matter of weapons, too, they 
made but little, if any advance, manufacturing their own 
from those which had been left by their predecessors, 
and making no effort whatever to improve on the char- 
acter or style of the article made. Of the stone weapons 
and implements made by the American Indians, Ridpath 
says: "These were with few exceptions the work of the 
unknown pre-historic peoples who had previously occu- 
pied the continent. To the present day the relics of this 
former race are abundantly distributed throughout Cen- 
tral North America. The Indian races inherited or took 
from, their predecessors the remains of their civilization. 
These remains included a varied supply of stone imple- 
ments. These weapons and tools belonged to the Palaed- 
lithic and the Neolithic age. 

"It was optional," continues our authority, "with the 
red man whether he would seek his tomahawk already 
made to hand by some stonesmith of the pre-historic 
age, or would make one for himself. The Indians chose 
to avail themselves largely of the relics left behind by 
the former races. As a rule, the arrow tip and spearhead 
which the hunter and warrior sent flying against the 
enemy or thrust into the brown bear, were the work of 


predecessors of whom he knew nothing, even by trad